KHMER INTELLIGENCE

Khmer Intelligence (KI) is a non-government organisation whose objective is to collect sensitive information from non-easily accessible sources to help Khmer and foreign observers better follow and understand the situation in Cambodia. KI finds out what is behind the latest news and news to come. For security reasons KI must preserve anonymity for its informants. Information is classified according to five levels of reliability: Official or Semi-Official (1), Very Reliable (2), Reliable (3), Insistent Rumour (4), Rumour (5).
News compiled by KI are posted on www.khmerintelligence.org
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3rd Quarter 2002   4th Quarter 2002   1st Quarter 2003   2nd Quarter 2003   3rd Quarter 2003   4th Quarter 2003   1st Quarter 2004   2nd Quarter 2004   3rd Quarter 2004   4th Quarter 2004   1st Quarter 2005   2nd Quarter 2005   3rd Quarter 2005

31 March 2003

Hun Sen analyses Sam Rainsy’ s “vicious proposal” (2)
In his opening speech at the SRP congress in Phnom Penh on March 28, Sam Rainsy seemed to make overtures to the CPP by saying in front of 6,000 supporters that the SRP would consider forming a coalition government with the CPP after the July’s election, but without Hun Sen. He also compared Funcinpec led by Prince Norodom Ranariddh to a “sinking ship”.
In the previous months, Sam Rainsy had already hinted at the possibility of a CPP-SRP government excluding Hun Sen, which was viewed by some political observers as an encouragement to anti-Hun Sen elements within the CPP to sideline the current prime minister. But at the recent SRP congress, Sam Rainsy elaborated on his proposal by indicating that Hun Sen could become president of the Senate after the July’s election, while CPP president and current Senate president Chea Sim could become a prominent member of the future coalition government. Sam Rainsy appeared to be willing to give some personal assurances to Hun Sen by implying that the present prime minister would be allowed to keep considerable privileges as a possible future Senate president with parliamentary immunity.
Less than 24 hours after Sam Rainsy had launched his proposal in Phnom Penh, Hun Sen gave his answer in a speech in Koh Sotin (Kompong Cham province) on March 29, which contains a thorough analysis of the opposition leader’s offer. Hun Sen publicly said that Sam Rainsy, with his “vicious proposal”, wanted to “kill four birds with one stone”: break the current alliance between CPP and Funcinpec, divide the CPP, divide Funcinpec, and eliminate him (Hun Sen). He concluded by saying that “the CPP would not be so stupid as to destroy itself by falling into a trap laid by a hooligan.” Large extracts from Hun Sen’s speech were published in yesterday’s edition of Rasmei Kampuchea, a popular newspaper considered as the mouthpiece of the CPP.

CPP’s statement aimed at quelling internal opposition to Hun Sen (2)
In the afternoon and the evening of March 29, following a speech made in the morning of the same day by prime minister Hun Sen rejecting a proposal by opposition leader Sam Rainsy (see above), national radio and television stations broadcast several times an “Urgent Statement of the Cambodian People’s Party”, which says in substance that “the CPP has never considered and would never consider any cooperation with the Sam Rainsy Party”. The statement went on saying that the “only appropriate partner” for the CPP was Funcinpec led by Prince Norodom Ranariddh, and that the CPP-Funcinpec alliance would hold “before and after the elections.” The statement concluded that Hun Sen was “the only CPP candidate for Prime Minister.”
Many observers think that the above-mentioned “Urgent Statement” by the CPP was issued under the pressure of prime minister Hun Sen, who feels threatened by political manoeuvres aimed at removing him from his current position, and that the statement was a warning primarily intended for the anti-Hun Sen faction within the CPP, which seems to be receptive to the idea of a change in the country’s leadership (KI, 22 March 2003: “Hun Sen wants to change the composition of the CPP Politburo“).

26 March 2003

Princess Vacheara calls on the EU to help abolish dictatorship in Cambodia (1)
In her acceptance speech at the ceremony of award of the “Passport for Freedom” held today at the European Parliament in Brussels (KI, 21 March 2003: “Princess Vacheara to receive freedom award from the European Parliament”), Funcinpec Parliamentarian Princess Norodom Vacheara said notably, “The path [toward democracy in Cambodia] is still long, and an important event is approaching: the general elections next July. There is no doubt that, in the troubled world context we know, the enemies of democracy will try to take advantage of the fact that the Western authorities are focused on the Middle East to carry out unseen actions and to ensure that the elections do not take place in a regular, fair manner (…).
The European Union has already done a great deal for my country in terms of economic aid, and I hope that it will continue to do so. If I may express a wish, however, it is that the [European] Commission should implement the resolution passed recently [on March 13] by the European Parliament on the fairness of the general elections in July. That the European Union should not hesitate to demand in exchange for economic aid the respect of certain basic rules with regard to democracy and human rights. That it should not fund the reinforcement of a dictatorship but the liberation of a people.
The dramatic events in the Middle East seem to show the Western world very clearly that it must not allow dictatorships to develop, otherwise they will bite the hand that feeds them and become very dangerous for the whole world and very costly to eliminate.
The Western countries have re-established an order in my country after the tragic episode of the Khmers Rouges: they must now "finish the job off", and re-establish true democracy and the Rule of Law in Cambodia.”

CPP takes a severe look at Funcinpec (2)
While the Funcinpec leadership tries to minimize the significance of some strange events that have taken place recently at the royalist party (absence of a national congress this year, flow of defections to the Sam Rainsy Party), the ruling CPP, through its mouthpiece Rasmei Kampuchea, seems to make a quite different analysis of the problems facing Funcinpec.
In its edition dated 24-25 March 2003, the Khmer-language newspaper Rasmei Kampuchea published an editorial that reads, “Some observers think that the abandonment by Funcinpec of its traditional congress clearly shows its internal divisions and the fall of its popularity (…). It is a pity that while the Sam Rainsy Party plans to organize its Congress on March 28 and the CPP plans to hold an Extraordinary General Assembly on April 24, Funcinpec, which is also a major party, does not organize any similar event. Funcinpec has shown its weakness and its serious internal divisions following last year’s commune council election. The recent defections of a number of Funcinpec officials even more clearly show that the present Funcinpec cannot be compared to the Funcinpec of 1993 or 1998. And the Funcinpec leadership can only blame themselves [for this sad evolution].”                    

25 March 2003

Former World Bank representative in Cambodia cleared of corruption charge (2)
On 22 December 2002, under the headline “Corruption at the World Bank”, KI wrote: “The head of the World Bank office in Phnom Penh, Bonaventure Mbida-Essama, is poorly regarded by many Cambodians and foreigners alike because of his complacency about government corruption in general and his appalling position regarding demobilization and deforestation in particular (...). Rumors say that the World Bank headquarters in Washington are aware of his taking bribes from Cambodian government officials (...).”
On 2 March 2003, Mike Richards, Senior Investigator at the World Bank Department of Institutional Integrity, wrote Bonaventure Mbida-Essama, who has been recently assigned to another position in Washington, a letter telling him, “You may recall that on December 22, 2002 a Non Government Organization called "Khmer Intelligence" published an article in its newsletter in which it made allegations of corruption against you and unnamed Bank staff in Washington, D.C. As you know the matter was referred to the Department of Institutional Integrity (INT) for investigation. INT conducted a preliminary investigation in response to the allegations and that investigation has been concluded. I am pleased to be able to inform you that the investigation concluded that there was no evidence to justify the conduct of a full investigation and that the case should be closed (…).”

23 March 2003

First group of Funcinpec parliamentarians to join the opposition (2)
On March 25, a group of Funcinpec National Assembly members and Cabinet members will officially announce their decision to join the Sam Rainsy Party, which will hold its third ordinary congress on March 28. The entire SRP Steering Committee will be renewed on that occasion, with the expected election of several former Funcinpec high-ranking officials to the top echelon of the opposition party’s hierarchy.

Some diplomats in Phnom Penh worried about the rise of the opposition (2)
The ambassadors of Japan and some European countries have recently tried to convince several Funcinpec high-ranking officials not to join the opposition because of the “risk of instability” for Cambodia if the SRP emerges as a leading political force unwilling to strike a deal with Prime Minister Hun Sen, who then would not hesitate to “use violence to remain in power” at all costs. Resorting to a language of fear and intimidation, representatives of some of the world’s leading democratic countries seem unprepared or unwilling to accept the possibility of a democratic change in Cambodia. This takes place at a time when the USA and other democratic countries are helping Iraq to get rid of Saddam Hussein, another dictator who strives to remain in power at all costs. The present attitude of some western ambassadors in Phnom Penh is reminiscent of the attitude of April Glaspie, the former US ambassador in Baghdad, who met with Saddam Hussein in 1990 and expressed very little hope that there could be a change of regime in Iraq.     

22 March 2003

Hun Sen wants to change the composition of the CPP Politburo (2)
Prior to the CPP congress scheduled for April 24 (KI, 28 February 2003: “Major parties waiting for each other to hold their congresses”) and because he knows he lacks support in the CPP Politburo to be nominated candidate for prime minister (KI, 16 November 2002: “A majority of CPP Politburo opposes Hun Sen's candidacy for the premiership”), Hun Sen is pushing for an increase in the number of CPP Permanent Committee (or Politburo) members by introducing 15 supporters of his into the top layer of the ruling party’s hierarchy.
Among the current 21 members of the Politburo, Hun Sen can count only on 6 supporters, versus 10 opponents and 5 undecided. With 15 additional supporters, he would command a majority of 21 out of 36. Not surprisingly, CPP President Chea Sim and other members of his faction, including CPP Secretary-General Say Chhum, Interior Minister Sar Kheng, and Army Chief of Staff Ker Kim Yan, strongly oppose Hun Sen’s plan. The CPP April 24 congress promises to be stormy.

Feudal-type family ties in the CPP oligarchy (2)
The Khmer Rouge leadership was known for complex family ties between them. For instance, Pol Pot and Ieng Sary had married two sisters: Ieng Ponnary and Ieng Thirith. Many current Cambodian leaders, especially former Khmer Rouge apparatchiks, have continued this feudal-type tradition, which is designed to prevent the dispersion of power and fortune. For instance, Chea Sim and Sar Kheng have also married two sisters. The Chea Sim faction (or clan) has been more firmly cemented by the announcement this week of the engagement of the eldest son of Interior Minister Sar Kheng with the eldest daughter of Army Chief of Staff Ker Kim Yan.
In the Hun Sen faction, politically encouraged family ties are even more notorious. A daughter of the Prime Minister is married to a son of National Police Director Hok Lundy, a continuously rising star. Another daughter of Hun Sen is married to a son of General Moeung Samphan, Head of the Army Procurement Department and one of Cambodia’s richest men. Another son of Moeung Samphan is married to a daughter of former Phnom Penh Governor Chea Sophara. It was Moeung Samphan who reportedly helped convince Chea Sophara to come back to Cambodia last month and work with Hun Sen again, after his sacking following the January 29 anti-Thai riots. Another example of the rampant nepotism: Neth Savoeun, a henchman of Hun Sen occupying the position of National Police Deputy Director, is married to a daughter of Hun Neng, himself a brother of Hun Sen and governor of Svay Rieng province (KI, 24 February 2003: "Neth Savoeun possibly behind recent killings"). Besides, a number of Hun Sen’s brothers, brothers-in-law and other relatives are occupying high-ranking government positions such as provincial governors, ambassadors and army and police commanders.       

21 March 2003

Funcinpec does not dare to organize its Congress this year (2)
Instead of organising, as in previous years, a high-profile congress in Phnom Penh coinciding with the anniversary of its founding on March 21, 1981, Funcinpec this year prefers to avoid any big meeting in Phnom Penh and instead hold a series of small meetings throughout the country. The reason put forward by the party leadership for avoiding the organisation of the traditional congress in the capital city – which would normally boost the party’s morale and popularity, especially in this crucial election year – is the desire to “involve grassroots supporters” in the celebration of the 22^nd anniversary of the party’s inception through many small local meetings. But the real reason behind the suppression of the traditional congress seems to be Prince Ranariddh’s fear that protests would be loudly voiced by the “Resistants” against his poor leadership (KI, 5 October 2002: “Hun Sen pushes Ranariddh to be tougher with Funcinpec dissidents”) and internal divisions between former Resistance fighters and opportunist newcomers would be exposed in any big meeting held in Phnom Penh. The continuous flow of defections to the opposition Sam Rainsy Party would also be an embarrassing issue to deal with in public.
Funcinpec Deputy Secretary-General Nhek Bun Chhay, who represents the “Resistants”, left Phnom Penh a few days ago for Singapore to avoid attending any petty and embarrassing meetings as conceived by Funcinpec President Prince Norodom Ranariddh.    

18 March 2003

Hun Sen intensively aiding Ranariddh (2)
The ruling CPP is apparently doing its best to try to prevent an electoral disaster its coalition partner Funcinpec seems to be heading for. Over the last few days, the State-owned (meaning CPP-controlled) television and radio stations have given an exceptionally broad coverage of the campaigning activities of Funcinpec President Prince Norodom Ranariddh.
Among the three main political parties, only the opposition Sam Rainsy Party has no access whatsoever to the broadcast media.

15 March 2003

European Parliament makes EU assistance conditional on acceptable elections (1)
On March 13, the European Parliament adopted a "resolution on the situation in Cambodia on the eve of the general elections of 27 July 2003", in which it strongly condemns the recent abuses by the Hun Sen government and sets conditions for the continuation of EU assistance to Cambodia.
The resolution says the European Parliament is "alarmed at the violence perpetrated against political activists, mainly from the opposition", and is aware of the fact that "the flawed voter registration process has been denounced by the main opposition party." It mentions the fact that "the [Hun Sen] government has tried to exploit [the January 29 anti-Thai riots in Phnom Penh] to the detriment of the opposition leader Sam Rainsy", and notes that "during the past year human rights defenders, opposition journalists and the independent media have become increasingly subject to intimidation, arrests and killings, the perpetrators of which have never been brought to justice." It "condemns the acts of violence and intimidation taking place during the pre-election period", and "calls on the government of Cambodia to take immediate measures to counter the widespread impunity with which these [acts of violence] are perpetrated, inter alia by ensuring that credible cases of political violence are investigated." It "urges the government of Cambodia to guarantee free and fair elections without intimidation and harassment", and "calls on the [European]Commission to send the clear message (...) that, in order for the elections to be considered free, fair and democratic, the lives of opposition leaders must be safeguarded, failing which the cooperation agreement with the EU [meaning all technical and financial assistance from the EU] will be cancelled." Finally, it "calls on the Council [of Europe] and the [European] Commission to send an EU observer mission to monitor the general elections", and "asks for the mission to have enough members and to arrive in Cambodia sufficiently early to ensure that the ballot takes place in accordance with the rules."

12 March 2003

Poipet mayor asks for border re-opening (1)
Poipet, in northwestern Banteay Meanchey province, is the border city hardest hit by the closure of all border checkpoints with Thailand on March 5. Poipet commune chief (or mayor) Sok Savann (SRP) today wrote a letter to Prime Minister Hun Sen, saying: 
“In my capacity as the elected chief of Poipet commune, I would like to request the intervention of the government to help address food shortages faced by several thousands people living in my commune.
I would like to remind you of the following facts:
1 – Poipet is Cambodia’s largest commune with about 100,000 inhabitants.
2 – A large number of these people are small traders, street vendors, motorcycle taxi drivers, porters, cart pullers, construction workers and other labourers. They depend solely on a daily border-crossing to earn and provide for their day-to-day necessities. Their subsistence has been threatened by the closure of the border.
3 – About 12,000 families representing about 60,000 persons are facing an increasingly serious food shortage. Several hundreds families are literally starving.
4 – Over the last few days, several hundreds persons have come to the Commune Office to ask for food. Yesterday only, about 600 persons were given 5 kg of rice each, by the commune authorities, which have now run out of food stocks and money.
5 – A large number of Poipet current inhabitants are landless farmers who have come from other communes in other provinces to escape unemployment and misery.
I call on the government to take the following measures:
1 – Send food relief in adequate quantities to the people who need assistance.
2 – Provide new jobs with decent salaries to those who have lost their livelihoods following the border closure.
3 – Financially and/or logistically help those who want to return to their native communes and provinces.
If the government cannot implement the above-suggested measures, it must immediately re-open the border with Thailand. It is most unfair that politics has been played at the expense of the poor and the destitute.” 

Untold stories around the Francophone Mayors Conference in Phnom Penh (2)
Delegates from 65 cities located in 30 countries attended the opening in Phnom Penh on March 12 of a conference of the International Association of Francophone Mayors.
Forty-four of the 109 delegations invited to participation in the conference failed to arrive in less and less francophone Cambodia’s capital city. One Phnom Penh Municipality official, who asked not to be named, said, “Mayors and deputy mayors are afraid for their safety because the Cambodian situation is not reliable.” “Some cities sent letters notifying us of their absences. But many other cities didn’t reply. They all kept quite about their absences,” said another municipal official.
Another odd detail is that neither Prime Minister Hun Sen, who opened the French-subsidized conference yesterday, nor the newly appointed Phnom Penh Mayor (or Governor) Kep Chutema, who is hosting the 3-day francophone conference, speaks a word of French.
Whereas in democratic countries, mayors are elected by their cities’ inhabitants, Kep Chutema was appointed Phnom Penh Mayor by the Prime Minister last month, in the aftermath of the government-organised January 29 anti-Thai riots, to replace Chea Sophara, who was a competent and popular mayor but was perceived by Hun Sen as a dangerous rival in his bid to be nominated CPP candidate for Prime Minister before the July 27 parliamentary election (KI, 10 February: “Chea Sophara targeted by Hun Sen”). Many Cambodians think that Hun Sen selected Kep Chutema because the latter is notoriously weak and incompetent, as evidenced by the poor management and the destitute state of Takeo province, of which he had been Governor for the past four years. Takeo provincial capital is reportedly one of Cambodia’s dirtiest cities.
Hun Sen seems to feel confident only with colleagues like Kep Chutema, especially in his relations with officials occupying sensitive positions such as that of Phnom Penh Governor (KI, 12 February: “Chea Sophara’s removal was organized like a mini coup d’état”).   

11 March 2003

Cambodians warned against Hun Sen’s anti-Thai propaganda (2)
A leaflet distributed yesterday along the Thai border warns Cambodians living on cross-border trade and deprived of their livelihoods since the border closure on March 5 at the initiative of the Cambodian government, not to believe in Hun Sen’s anti-Thai propaganda. The leaflet says, “Hun Sen’s policy to create tension with Thailand on Cambodia’s western border has a secret goal, which is to make the Cambodian people forget about Vietnam continuously annexing our territories on Cambodia’s eastern border and sending more and more Vietnamese settlers into our country in order to colonize it. But the Cambodian people will not be fooled by Hun Sen because they understand Vietnam is Cambodia’s most serious danger and Hun Sen, a Vietnamese-appointed leader since 1979, faithfully serves Vietnamese interests.”

Another Secretary of State is fired because of alleged connections with SRP (3)
Following the dismissal of Interior Ministry’s Secretary of State Kieng Vang who joined the Sam Rainsy Party last month (KI, 28 February: “How to fire Funcinpec officials who join SRP?”), Funcinpec President Prince Norodom Ranariddh has reportedly decided to sack Social Affairs Ministry’s Secretary of State Prak Chantha, who has allegedly shown her desire to support the opposition. Because Ministers and Secretaries of State cannot be replaced without the approval of the National Assembly, which cannot meet in the present circumstances because of a chronic lack of quorum (KI, 19 February: “De facto end of the National Assembly’s second term”), Funcinpec reportedly intends to appoint Sivann Botum as Under Secretary of State at the Ministry of Social Affairs as a face-saving measure (?), as it did last month with Po Lida at the Ministry of Interior to try to compensate for the loss of Kieng Vang.

Hun Sen accuses Sam Rainsy of “inciting the King to get involved in politics” (2)
In a speech in Kandal province today, Prime Minister Hun Sen indirectly accused Sam Rainsy of “inciting King Norodom Sihanouk to get involved in politics”. He apparently referred to a March 9 letter by Sam Rainsy to the king, in which the opposition leader thanks the monarch for his recent series of messages to the nation showing the royal concern about several issues: violations of Cambodia’s territorial integrity, human rights abuses, deforestation, corruption, organized crime. Sam Rainsy points to the fact that by stressing the need to seriously address these issues, the constitutional monarch is simply exercising his rights and fulfilling his duties by morally and spiritually guiding the nation in his capacity as the Father of independent and modern Cambodia.
The current debate on the king’s role started with a March 4 editorial in Rasmei Kampuchea, a Khmer-language newspaper considered as the mouthpiece for the CPP, in which the king is accused of wanting to get more power for himself because of his continuously deploring Cambodia’s distressing situation while repeatedly making the remark that “the king reigns but does not rule” and therefore has no power to address the situation or any underlying problems.

8 March 2003 

CPP resigned to abandoning Funcinpec (2)
CPP President and Senate Speaker Chea Sim has recently met with Funcinpec President and National Assembly Speaker Prince Norodom Ranariddh to check his being conscious of Funcinpec’s declining trend. Chea Sim wanted to make sure that Ranariddh knew that Funcincec had been losing ground to the benefit of the Sam Rainsy Party, as evidenced by a recent series of high-profile defections. He warned the prince the current opposition party was likely to become the number-two party (after the CPP but before Funcinpec) after next July’s election, which could imply a change in the composition of the future government.
In its today’s edition, the Khmer-language daily newspaper Rasmei Kampuchea, which is considered as the CPP’s mouthpiece, published a front-page editorial titled: "Funcinpec increasingly suffering from a wound that is not treated." The article goes on as follows: "Because of his sentimental and weak character [Prince Ranariddh] has allowed the Funcinpec wound to get infected and become gangrenous so that the whole Funcinpec body has become like a sick and bedridden person unable to get up (…). In the aftermath of the 2002 commune council election, which saw a dramatic fall in the popular support for Funcinpec, the prospects for the royalist party are dim (…). The Funcinpec party has deteriorated to such a worrying state because of its lax and indecisive leadership, combined with weak and loose structures, while its activities have not shown any strength (…). On the political scene, any party cannot firmly hold in a competitive environment unless it shows discipline and has a strong – meaning competent and decisive – leader who does not allow personal sentiments to weaken his leadership. Prince Norodom Ranariddh is the most highly educated child of King Norodom Sihanouk. He has a PhD in law from France. But it is a pity he does not seem to have much talent as a politician, contrary to his father, even though there is a striking physical resemblance between the son and the 81-year-old father. The prince seems to have the traits of a technician rather than those of a politician (…). Besides having such a personality, the prince faces difficulties in leading a party with lousy internal structures. A dispute has broken out  between Funcinpec officials who have come back from abroad and those who have spent all their lives [fighting in the 1970s and 1980s] in Cambodia, which has led Funcinpec to its currently critical situation (…). [Over the last few months] some Funcinpec officials, whose interests in the party had been ruined, have started to look for political alternatives at a time when the opposition [Sam Rainsy] party came up with plans to lure them. Those dissatisfied elements have attacked their own party and exposed Funcinpec’s internal divisions. Moreover, they have started to attack the CPP, which is Funcinpec’s ally (…)."

07 March 2003

Assembly members prepare a motion of no confidence in the government (2)
Following Prime Minister Hun Sen’s refusal to respect King Norodom Sihanouk’s recent recommendations to the government on several issues (border treaties with Vietnam, status of students arrested on January 29) a group of Funcinpec parliamentarians are preparing a motion of no confidence in the government. Article 98 of the Constitution says, “The Assembly shall dismiss a member or members of the Royal Government or the whole Cabinet by the adoption of a motion of censure by a two-third majority of the entire Assembly. The motion of censure shall be proposed to the Assembly by at least 30 Assembly members in order for the entire Assembly to decide.”
The Funcinpec parliamentarians who initiate the no confidence motion because of their “loyalty to the King” will likely receive the backing of the SRP Assembly members, which will allow them to gather at least the 30 signatures required to introduce the motion for a debate at the Assembly. 

Hun Sen decorates Hok Lundy (1)
Over the last few days, pro-CPP newspapers (Rasmei Kampuchea, Koh Santepheap) have shown front-page photos of Prime Minister Hun Sen decorating National Police Director-General Hok Lundy for “high national merits”. This shows that Hun Sen has no intention to take any disciplinary measure against Hok Lundy for his failing to control the January 29 anti-Thai riots.

06 March 2003

Reasons behind Hun Sen’s decision to close the border with Thailand (3)
The March 5 decision by the Phnom Penh government to seal all land border crossings with Thailand took many observers by surprise since it could have far-reaching implications. The official reason put forward by the Cambodian authorities to justify their unilateral move is the alleged unwillingness by the Thai authorities to quickly normalize bilateral relations, as evidenced by their continuing to prevent Thai nationals from crossing the border into Cambodia, especially at the four main checkpoints of Poipet (Banteay Meanchey province), Cham Yeam (Koh Kong province), Pailin (Pailin municipality), and O Smach (Oddor Meanchey province). The restrictive measure has been imposed on Thai nationals since January 29, when violent demonstrators set ablaze the Thai embassy in Phnom Penh.
The official reason for closing the border now from the Cambodian side seems plausible because Prime Minister Hun Sen is closely associated with tycoons in the gambling industry (such as Kok An and Ly Yong Phat) who have been operating lucrative casinos recently built at the above-mentioned checkpoints and these casinos have come to a standstill with not a single client from Thailand since January 29.
But there could be other reasons behind Hun Sen’s surprising decision:
-         With his promise to Thailand to punish those Cambodian government officials responsible for the January 29 anti-Thai riots (possibly Sar Kheng, Hok Lundy, Chea Sophara) on the one hand, and his inability or unwillingness to take any sanction against any high-ranking colleagues of his in the already dangerously fractured CPP on the other hand, Hun Sen is caught between the devil and the deep blue sea. He might be trying to evade all responsibility before the Thais by worsening his relationship with them so as to dilute the dilemma stemming from the January 29 incident with newly created problems.
-         Because of internal tensions and divisions within the CPP associated with the process of nominating a candidate for Prime Minister before the July election, Hun Sen might be tempted to increase external tension with Thailand in order to create unity around him.
-          There are staunchly pro-Vietnamese elements within the CPP who are not happy with Cambodia developing her relations with Thailand in such an impressive manner over the last few years and with Cambodia postponing sine die the signing of a border treaty with Vietnam initially scheduled for March 3. Those elements might have pressured Hun Sen into distancing Cambodia from Thailand, whose democratic values clash with Vietnam’s communist culture. As the election is approaching with an usually high level of uncertainty, a continuous support from Vietnam remains a determining factor for the CPP.
The above-mentioned non official reasons behind the Phnom Penh government decision to close the border with Thailand are NOT mutually exclusive.

Economic impact of border closure (2)
The opposition led by former Finance Minister Sam Rainsy today condemned the decision to close the border with Thailand. It said, “[the] unilateral and unexpected decision reflects brinkmanship, immaturity and irresponsibility on the part of the present Cambodian leadership.” It gave its assessment of the economic impact of the decision as follows: “The border closure will negatively affect the livelihoods of tens of thousands poor Cambodian citizens who earn their livings as migrant workers in Thailand or traders, vendors, hauliers, motorcycle taxi drivers, porters and laborers working along the border and benefiting from the growing cross-border trade. Countless Cambodian farmers and fishermen all over the country will suffer from the border closure and the loss of a key market represented by Thailand. The flow of tourists will decrease, hurting one of the country’s most promising industries. Many goods normally imported from Thailand will see an increase in their prices, which will affect the living conditions of all Cambodians since similar goods imported from Vietnam do not always match Thai products in terms of price, quality and availability.”

Princess Vacheara in the USA (2)
Cambodian Funcinpec parliamentarian (and King Norodom Sihanouk’s half-sister) Princess Norodom Vacheara is presently for a two-day visit in Washington D.C. where she is meeting with Congressmen and high-ranking officials from the US administration.           

Mysterious death of Prosecutor Chhin Chiva (2)
Chhin Chiva, the Prosecutor at the Phnom Penh Municipal Court (KI, 19 February: “Hun Sen is considering another plan to arrest Sam Rainsy”) died yesterday in mysterious circumstances. He went to the Court as usual but suddenly died after being taken to Calmette hospital. His family has not provided any clear explanation for his death. Chhin Chiva was reportedly engaged in dubious deals with controversial Police Director General Hok Lundy.

05 March 2003  

Two Cambodian parliamentarians in Brussels (2)
Two Cambodian female Members of Parliament, Princess Norodom Vacheara (Funcinpec) and Tioulong Saumura (SRP) were seen yesterday in Brussels making a joint visit to the European Parliament and calling at the office of Chris Patten, the European Commissioner in charge of External Relations.

SRP to publish new platform (2)
The Sam Rainsy Party is going to publish an updated version of its political platform in the form of a series of practical measures on the occasion of its upcoming congress set for March 28-29. A document to be widely distributed will elaborate on the “One Hundred Concrete Measures” the opposition party vows to implement when it comes to power. The measures are designed to address Cambodia’s most pressing problems and include combating organized crime, stopping deforestation and reviewing all forest concessions, ensuring food security, rebuilding irrigation and water-control systems, providing land to landless farmers, de-politicizing the state and civil administration, adopting an anti-corruption law, requiring high-ranking government officials to declare their assets, ensuring decent salaries for state employees, establishing a social security system, opening up competition by suppressing all forms of monopolies and separating business from politics, creating a wealth tax system for the richest segment of the population, putting in place a national scholarship system for capable students from poor families, privatizing state-owned (i.e. CPP-controlled) rubber plantations, protecting natural resources and the environment through a new approach based on community development.

04 March 2003 

King has a “Not In Our Name” concern (2)
On February 27, King Norodom Sihanouk issued a statement expressing his wish to be released from his position of Chair of the Supreme Council of Magistracy, the judicial oversight body that can promote, demote, move and remove judges in order to ensure their fulfilling their duties properly. But meeting the King’s demand would require an amendment to the Constitution, which says, “The King shall be the guarantor of the independence of the Judiciary” (article 113), and “The Supreme Council of Magistracy shall be chaired the King” (article 115).
Because the judiciary in Cambodia has been largely inept at rendering justice due to rampant corruption and political subservience and because judicial reform has been practically stalled for political reasons, the king apparently feels unhappy to continue to endorse a system that stifles democracy and justice. Moreover, the king might have some moral conscience problem, knowing that all verdicts, from the Supreme Court downward, are rendered “In the Name of the King”, a formula the monarch has reportedly considered suggesting a change.
In fact, the king has never presided over any meeting of the Supreme Council of Magistracy, having delegated his constitutional duties for that matter to Chea Sim, who plays the role of acting Head of State when the monarch is out of the country.
But the problem lies in the fact that Chea Sim cannot legally (and decently) preside over the Supreme Council of the Magistracy because the Chair of that body must be independent and neutral to ensure that the judiciary itself is independent and neutral. Chea Sim cannot be viewed as independent because he is currently the Senate Speaker (and previously the National Assembly Speaker) representing the legislative power. The Constitution says, “The Legislative, Executive and Judicial powers shall be separate” (article 51), and “The Judicial power shall be an independent power” (article 109). Chea Sim cannot be viewed as neutral either because he is currently President of the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP), which necessarily makes him a partisan actor.

01 March 2003

Hun Sen and henchmen prepared to assassinate more political opponents (3)
Following the extrajudicial killings of Venerable Sam Bun Thoeun (KI, 25 February 2003: “Reasons behind monk’s assassination”) and polician Om Radsady (KI, 25 February 2003: “Reasons behind the murder of Funcinpec official”), Prime Minister Hun Sen has reportedly given the green light to Police Director General Hok Lundy and his Deputy Neth Savoeun to assassinate other political opponents or government critics, including opposition leader Sam Rainsy, whose SRP has become a formidable challenger to the CPP .
Neth Savoeun would be personally in charge of the next series of  killings (KI, 24 February 2003: “Neth Savoeun possibly behind recent killings”). Observers could witness an assassination spree in the run-up to the July election, especially during the election campaign under the supervision of the National Election Committee (NEC). On February 21, the NEC appointed Neth Savoeun as Chairman of its Central Security Bureau, which is part of  the Permanent Assistance Group to the NEC Secretariat, therefore introducing the killer into the election machinery and preparing the ground for more intensive State terrorism during the election campaign.
There is a plan to assassinate Sam Rainsy either during a public demonstration in Phnom Penh ( “uncontrolled elements” will be blamed for the incident) or during a visit by the opposition leader to the provinces (unidentified snipers will be engaged in the operation). But instructions have been reportedly given to Hok Lundy and Neth Savoeun to wait until the war breaks out in Irak because world attention will then be totally focused on the Middle East.

Senatorial election in 2004 (2)
Pressure is building on the Cambodian government to organize the election of a new Senate in 2004 in accordance with the Constitution. At the end of last year, KI revealed a plan by the CPP to scrap a senatorial election due to take place in 2004 (KI, 26 December 2002: “No senatorial election in 2004”). But following a strong reaction from King Norodom Sihanouk who showed his unhappiness about Funcinpec President Prince Ranariddh’s subservience to the CPP in this unconstitutional attempt (KI, 8 January 2003: “King Sihanouk upset by Prince Ranariddh”), there are now discussions about maintaining the senatorial election as scheduled with the technical support of the German Konrad Adenauer Foundation.
The reason put forward by the CPP for not holding the election of a new Senate next year was a lack of money. But the King rejected the proposal right away, saying he would refuse to appoint Senators who had not been democratically elected.
Now, there seems to be a growing agreement on the following:
-         A general election to strengthen democracy and promote good governance is not that costly: Less than $12 million every five years, which is little money compared to the amount of international assistance to Cambodia of $600 million a year, which could be more effectively used if corruption were reduced thanks to better governance. Besides, if the Hun Sen government can so easily pay $50 million to Thailand as compensations for damages caused on January 29, 2003, it should find without too much difficulty $12 million to organize the 2004 senatorial election.
-         Many elections at all levels (national, regional, local) are needed to ensure the democratization of Cambodia as stipulated in the 1991 Paris Peace Agreements.
-         The 2004 senatorial election could be organized at a regional level: There would be five or six regions; each region would include a small number of provinces or municipalities. As for National Assembly Members, Senators would be directly elected by all citizens.
-         In a more remote future, Senators could be elected by bodies such as local governments (commune councils), trade unions, non government organizations operating in various fields, associations representing overseas Cambodians. But internal democracy within those bodies must be ensured first.   

28 February 2003

How to fire Funcinpec officials who join SRP ? (2)
Interior Ministry Secretary of State Kieng Vang who publicly announced this week that he would run for a parliamentary seat in July’s election under the banner of the Sam Rainsy Party, is the highest-ranking Funcinpec official to have joined the opposition this year. Many other royalist top officials are expected to follow suit in the coming weeks, including several Secretaries of State from different Ministries and a dozen Members of the National Assembly.
Prime Minister Hun Sen and his ally Funcinpec President Prince Norodom Ranariddh are pondering on legal ways to fire those “defectors” given the fact that the National Assembly – whose approval is required for the dismissal of such high-ranking government officials – has been paralysed since February 6 because of a lack of quorum (KI, 19 February).

Deepening of Funcinpec’s internal divisions (2)
Funcinpec President Prince Norodom Ranariddh is considering measures to ostracise or reprimand the 24 Funcinpec National Assembly members (out of 43) who earlier this month signed a petition supporting Princess Norodom Vacheara in her confrontation with Prime Minister Hun Sen (KI, 19 February). Any repressive measure taken under the pressure of Hun Sen can only deepen divisions within Funcinpec between those who want to preserve the coalition with the CPP and those who favor a new deal implying a rapprochement with the opposition.

Major parties waiting for each other to hold their congresses (2)
The CPP, Funcinpec and the SRP will hold their annual or biennial congresses in March and April, a later period of the year than usual, at least for CPP and SRP.
Actually, it was Funcinpec which set the point of reference for the timing of the events, with its annual congress due to take place, as usual, around March 21 corresponding to the anniversary of the founding of the royalist movement in 1981.
The CPP, which had continuously postponed the date of their congress since December 2002, had been actually waiting for the SRP to announce the date of its congress before scheduling their own congress for a later date, because the CPP was eager this election year to have the confirmation of the official and final position of the SRP on a possible form of coalition government after the July election. Sam Rainsy has hinted he would not accept to be associated with Hun Sen in any future government because “Hun Sen is the representative and the symbol of an anachronistic and failed system”. The nomination of the party candidate for Prime Minister is a crucial issue for the CPP (KI, 2 January 2003: “Split Within The CPP”), but not for Funcinpec and SRP.
The SRP had been weighing logistical, tactical and strategic considerations for a long time before setting the final date of its congress. First, it considered organizing the gathering in January, then moved the date to February, then to early March, making the CPP more and more nervous. Finally, because the SRP was preparing for a series of high-profile defections from Funcinpec and preferred to first assess the overall situation following Funcinpec congress before making further moves, it chose only a few days ago March 28 as the final date for its congress, thus prompting the CPP to announce the holding of their congress on April 24.

26 February 2003

Latest election forecasts (3)
The latest forecasts for July’s election shown below are based on two assumptions:
- Voter turnout will be as high as at the two previous national elections in 1993 and 1998.
- By comparison with last year’s local election, the expected 1.7 million additional voters will be mainly supporters of political parties other than the CPP, whose votes seem to have reached a plateau after their exceptional jump in 2002 (KI, 9 December 2002).  

Elections                                                        1993        1998        2002        2003 (F)    

In million unless otherwise specified

A- Citizens with the right to vote (18+)         4.50          5.49         6.25         6.75        

B- Voters registered on voter lists                 4.30 (1)     5.40         5.19         6.28         

C- Voter registration rate (B/A)                     96% (1)    98%         83%         93%         

D- Actual voters (number of votes)                4.16         5.05         4.35         6.00        

E- Voter turnout (D/B)                                   97%         94%         84%         95%

F- Valid votes                                                 4.13         5.02         4.15 (2)    5.96

G- Votes for CPP in million                           1.55         2.00         2.48         2.50                                 

H- Votes for CPP in percent (G/F)                 38%         40%         60%         42%  

I- Votes for Funcinpec in million                   1.84         1.67         0.96         1.30   

J- Votes for Funcinpec in percent (I/F)          45%         33%         23%         22%

K- Votes for SRP in million                           N.A.        0.69         0.70         1.95

L- Votes for SRP in percent (K/F)                 N.A.        14%         17%         33%

M- Votes for other parties in million             0.74         0.66         0.01         0.21

N- Votes for other parties in percent (M/F)    17%         13%          0%           3%

O- Number of competing parties (in units)     20            39            11            30

(1) In 1993, UNTAC was unable to register a portion of the population living in Khmer Rouge zones.
(2) In 2002, an exceptionally large number of ballots cast were controversially declared null (5% versus a pattern of less than one percent for the previous elections), which led to suspicions of fraud on the part of the ruling CPP (KI, 18 January). 
N.A.: Non applicable. The SRP was founded in 1995.

25 February 2003

Reasons behind monk’s assassination (3)
Venerable Sam Bun Thoeun was a most respected senior monk. Normally living at a pagoda in Oudong (a former royal capital city about 50km north of Phnom Penh), he came earlier this month to visit some of his former students at Wat Langka, next to the Independence Monument in Phnom Penh. On 6 February, he was gunned down in broad daylight by at least two unknown assailants in the Wat compound (KI, 24 Feb). Venerable Sam Bun Thoeun was a most popular religious leader, especially among the younger monks with progressive views. He publicly and courageously opposed Buddhist Patriarch Tep Vong’s edict prohibiting monks from getting registered as voters for the forthcoming July election (KI, 18 Feb, 15 Feb, 6 Feb, 4 Feb).
The possibility for the Kingdom’s 50,000 monks to cast their ballots at any elections like any other citizens, is a very sensitive issue since monks usually play the role of opinion leaders on many social issues and can influence the political choice of millions Buddhist laymen. With their relatively high level of education and high moral standards, monks can be persuasively critical of corruption and social injustice and are more immune to vote buying.
One can understand why the CPP wants to silence monks by eliminating the most critical and vocal ones, such as Venerable Sam Bun Thoeun, and terrorizing the others.

Reasons behind the murder of Funcinpec official (3)
Om Radsady was a gentle and soft-spoken Funcinpec high-ranking official who constantly adopted a low profile, avoided controversial views and seemed to get along with everybody. The way he was gunned down by at least two unknown assailants in broad daylight in Phnom Penh on 18 February (KI, 24 Feb, and 18 Feb) is reminiscent of the circumstances surrounding the assassination of Venerable Sam Bun Thoeun two weeks earlier.
His murder could serve the following purposes:
- Because he was close to some assistants to Funcinpec parliamentarian Princess Norodom Vacheara, who was engaged in a bitter confrontation with Prime Minister Hun Sen (KI, 21 Feb, and 19 Feb), his assassination might be intended to intimidate the Princess and her friends to stop confronting Hun Sen on several sensitive issues (border treaty with Vietnam, responsibility for the recent anti-Thai riots).
- His death might be also a warning to some Funcinpec parliamentarians who are considering joining the opposition.
- The CPP might finally want to show it absolutely needed to maintain its alliance with the royalist Funcinpec party to preserve a façade of legitimacy before and after July’s election. It must therefore take away from Prince Norodom Ranariddh and his supporters’ minds any possible vague desire to abandon the present coalition with the ruling former communist party, if they want to remain alive.                  

24 February 2003

23 February 2003

CPP plan for 2003 election starts to fail (3)
The CPP plan to win the forthcoming July 27, 2003 legislative election mainly lies in securing:
1-     A low voter registration rate in January-February 2003 (KI, 5 November, 28 January, 29 January, 2 February, 4 February, 6 February, 10 February, 12 February, 15 February, 18 February, and 20 February): No more than 40% of the 1.63 million newly eligible voters, discarding about a million of them and actually depriving them of their right to vote. This plan has largely failed because, thanks to the vigilance of election monitoring organizations and the opposition and their efforts to help a large number of the poor and the young get registered, 1.16 million new potential voters (71%) were effectively  registered this year, notwithstanding some procedural irregularities and statistical inaccuracies.
2-     A low voter turnout on Voting Day (KI, 9 December, 18 January, and 22 January): It must not markedly exceed 70%, so that combined with previous restrictions on voter registration, the number of ballots cast on July 27 will not markedly exceed 4.1 million, corresponding to the number of ballots cast at the February 3, 2002 commune council election, which saw a landside victory of the CPP with 2.5 million votes. If the CPP plan could effectively be implemented by next July, the ruling party would be able to achieve the same stunning score (61% of the popular votes) as for last year’s election. In order to reduce voter turnout the CPP will resort to the following measures from now until Voting Day: create incidents and a climate of insecurity nationwide to frighten voters away from polling stations; confiscate or systematically buy voter cards or registration receipts (at a price varying from 10,000 to 100,000 Riel) from poor/hungry voters suspected of sympathy for parties other than the CPP so as to prevent them from casting their ballots.
Four hypotheses are shown below corresponding to four different voter turnout rates: 80%, 85%, 90%, and 95%, depending on how successful the CPP will be in preventing voters from going to vote. With a plateau of 2.5 million votes for the former communist party and a voter turnout of 95% (Hypothese 4), which was approximately the voter turnout at the 1993 and 1998 elections, the CPP will score only 41% of the popular votes, which is exactly the score it achieved at the previous 1998 parliamentary election, far from the two-third majority needed by any political party to govern the country alone.

July 27, 2003 Elections                           CPP Plan     Hypo.1     Hypo.2     Hypo.3     Hypo.4

In million unless specified in percent

Citizens with the right to vote (18+)           6.75           6.75          6.75          6.75          6.75

Voters registered since 2002                       5.12           5.12          5.12          5.12          5.12

Voters newly registered in 2003                 0.66           1.16          1.16          1.16          1.16

Registered voters entitled to vote                5.78           6.28          6.28          6.28          6.28

Voter turnout                                               72%           80%          85%          90%          95%

Number of votes                                          4.10           5.00          5.35          5.65          6.00        

Votes for CPP (2.5 million)                         61%           50%          47%          44%          41%                  

Votes for other parties                                 39%           50%          53%          56%          59%

Votes for Funcinpec                                    15%           20%          21%          22%          23%

Votes for SRP                                              24%          30%          32%          34%          36%

Any increase in voter turnout will benefit both Funcinpec and SRP, but there is more uncertainty about Funcinpec, which is suffering from internal divisions and a leadership crisis and has been on a declining trend since 1998, as evidenced by its humiliating score at the 1998 commune council election.

21 February 2003

Changes in the King’s schedule and opinion (3)
King Norodom Sihanouk, who had postponed his departure for Beijing scheduled for today to “stay with his people at a time when political tensions have been mounting dangerously”, yesterday sent a letter granting an audience to opposition leader Sam Rainsy for 11.00 am today, but finally canceled the scheduled meeting possibly intended to prepare a “summit’ between Prime Minister Hun Sen, National Assembly President Prince Norodom Ranariddh, and Sam Rainsy. In a note issued early this morning, the King gave up the idea of helping arrange talks between Cambodian top political leaders, saying that “a meeting between Prime Minister Hun Sen (with his friend Prince Norodom Ranariddh) and His Excellency Sam Rainsy could lead to an explosion that could cause heavy collateral damages”. Each observer may interpret the royal comment in his own way. But there are people who believe a coup d’etat could occur this weekend.

Princess Vacheara left Cambodia yesterday (2)
Princess Norodom Vacheara last night left Phnom Penh for Paris after having sent an apology letter to Prime Minister Hun Sen for “falsely accusing him of insulting her and threatening to put her in jail”. This morning’s newspapers in Phnom Penh did not mention the apology letter and independent observers don’t know whether Hun Sen has stopped the legal action he has taken against the Princess.

Sam Rainsy left Phnom Penh this evening (2)
Sam Rainsy left Phnom Penh this evening for Europe where he will stay for a week before attending a conference in Bangkok by the end of the month.

20 February 2003  

19 February 2003

Hun Sen cannot touch Princess Vacheara (2)
24 Funcinpec National Assembly members (out of 43) have signed a petition showing their opposition to any attempt to lift Princess Norodom Vacheara's parliamentary immunity in connection with Prime Minister Hun Sen's legal action against her. With the additional support from the 15 Sam Rainsy Party National Assembly members, there are now enough parliamentarians to block any CPP-inspired movement to have the Princess's immunity removed. In effect, the Assembly will not be able to meet on such an agenda because there will be a lack of quorum. According to the Assembly internal regulations, at least seven tenths of all the Assembly members, or 86 out of 122, must attend in order for any session to legally proceed. In other words, there must be no more than 36 absents at any working session. With already 39 Funcinpec and SRP lawmakers determined to defend Princess Vacheara and boycott any Assembly session convened to lift her immunity, the Princess is assured to remain immune from prosecution by a CPP-subservient court.

De facto end of the National Assembly’s second term (2)
As a matter of fact, the second term of the National Assembly (1998-2003) has already ended. The latest plenary session took place on 6 February, when the Assembly debated the first article of the Law on Domestic Violence. Since, the Assembly has been unable to meet, not even for a single day, because of a lack of quorum (KI, 12 February). On 18 February, Assembly Speaker Prince Norodom Ranariddh deplored this continuous lack of quorum, which he called a “disease” dishonoring not only the Assembly but the Kingdom of Cambodia as a whole. He told the few parliamentarians present in the Assembly hall he had to indefinitely call off all the sessions scheduled for the coming days, while trying to find a cure for the “disease”.
Actually, the Assembly, which meets for three months twice a year, will go into recess on 25 February and will convene again only on 25 May. By that time, Assembly members will be very busy campaigning in their respective constituencies for the 27 July elections and will likely desert the Assembly building in Phnom Penh. Therefore, the Assembly’s second term is already over in the mind of the people, whose attention is increasingly drawn to the Assembly’s third term (2003-2008), which will start probably next September.

Hun Sen is considering another plan to arrest Sam Rainsy (2)
Following recent reports in the local press, the Voice of America in Khmer yesterday gave indications about and credence to a new plan by the Hun Sen authorities to arrest opposition leader Sam Rainsy on  a “corruption charge” related to his tenure of the position of Finance Minister in 1993-1994. Sam Rainsy is accused of being involved in a $2.1-million contract between the Cambodian government and a British company for the procurement of passports “not in line with legal procedures”. When asked to elaborate on the contract, Sam Rainsy said, as only a Minister, he complied with a request from Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Affairs Minister Prince Norodom Sirivudh, who himself had the backing of First Prime Minister Prince Norodom Ranariddh and Second Prime Minister Hun Sen. He asked why Hun Sen has waited ten years to raise the alleged issue. In a remark made a long time ago, he pointed out that Prime Minister Hun Sen in 1994 ordered the purchase of large quantities of rice for the military from a local businessman named Men Sarun at a cost far exceeding the market price, which resulted in a $500,000 loss for the state in only one transaction.
In a 7 February 2003 letter from Prosecutor Chhin Chiva at the Phnom Penh Municipal Court to Police Director General Hok Lundy, a copy of which was received by the Ministry of Justice on 10 February, there is reference to an “investigation into a criminal case” dated 27 March 1996, which forms the basis for a “complaint lodged by the Government against former Finance Minister Sam Rainsy”.

18 February 2003

Murder of Om Radsady (2)
Om Radsady, an adviser to Prince Norodom Ranariddh, was assassinated today at lunchtime by an unidentified gunman. He was a Funcinpec parliamentarian from 1993 to 1998 and did not seem to have any declared enemy. His murder in broad daylight seems to be an act of intimidation against some Funcinpec elements who would like to see the royalist party distances itself from the CPP, its present coalition partner. At the time of his murder, Om Radsady had just had lunch at a small Phnom Penh restaurant with a few Funcinpec colleagues who are close to Princess Norodom Vacheara. The Princess is presently at odds with Prime Minister Hun Sen, who is threatening to sue her for defamation after she had accused him of insulting her and threatening to put her in jail (KI, 15 February). Om Radsady was Princess Vacheara’s predecessor at the post of Chairperson of the National Assembly Commission on Foreign Affairs.

Monks fail to register as voters in spite of King’s intervention (2)
In spite of an intervention from King Norodom Sihanouk giving his support to the right to vote for Buddhist monks (KI, 15 February) and urging National Election Committee President Im Suosdey to facilitate the registration of monks as voters in order to allow them to fulfill their duty like any other citizens, the situation remains extremely confused since the Buddhist Clergy hierarchy led by Patriarch Tep Vong continues to abide by the CPP stance not to allow monks to vote (KI, 4 February). Patriarch Tep Vong has given instructions to all Pagoda Chiefs throughout the country not to deliver certificates of residency to monks living in their pagodas, after the CPP had ensured the adoption of rules and regulations requiring each monk to show a certificate of residency signed by his Pagoda Chief as a sine qua non for getting registered as a voter.
Following the King’s intervention, Members of Parliament from Funcinpec and SRP as well as officials from the National Election Committee have tried over the last three days to meet with some Pagoda Chiefs in order to convince them to deliver certificates of residency to monks who want to register. To no avail. When they saw any suspicious visitors approaching their houses, some Pagoda Chiefs such as Wat Langka’s Venerable Sam Chanthol and Wat Moha Montrey’s Venerable Or Ly, just rushed to hide in their rooms and told some assistants to tell the visitors they had gone out for some important mission. Any Buddhist monk is supposed to follow 227 precepts, one of which is not to tell lies.

A flawed voter registration process (1)
In a letter published in the Cambodia Daily on February 17, opposition leader Sam Rainsy points to a flaw in the voter registration process that many observers have overlooked. "The most serious flaw, which has caused the highest number of potential voters to be turned away from registration stations, is the requirement for Cambodian citizens to provide proof of their citizenship. Because of this requirement, countless people with no or insufficient identification documents, especially among the poor and the young, have been denied permission to register. Contrary to proof requirements for the three other criteria determining the right to register (identity, age, and residency), paper proof of citizenship cannot be replaced with a testimony from two witnesses living in the same commune.
The requirement for proof of citizenship in the ongoing voter registration process is unfair and absurd. Unfair because it mainly affects the poorest segments of the population. Absurd because it is the state which must provide citizenship proof to all its citizens, and not the other way round. Because the state has failed to deliver on time standardized Cambodian Citizen Identification Cards to all Cambodian citizens, a significant number among the latter find themselves in a Kafkaesque situation."

More Vietnamese soldiers entering Cambodia (2)
On 14 February 2003, about 30 Vietnamese soldiers traveling in three trucks arrived at the military base of Pea Reang district, Prey Veng province. They were subsequently dispatched to the communes of Roka, Prey Srolek, and Reab to allegedly look for the remains of Vietnamese soldiers killed several decades ago. 

Road to Chheu Kach military base closed to the public (3)
The road from National Road # 1 (Phnom Penh-Svay Rieng) to the Chheu Kach military complex covering a mountain in Ba Phnom district, Prey Veng province, has recently been closed to the public. Trucks carrying weapons and ammunitions have been seen moving into the secretive military base about 80 kilometers South of Phnom Penh. In July 1994, the late General Sin Song led troops from Chheu Kach towards Phnom Penh in what was described as a coup d’état attempt.          

16 February 2003

Possibility of a coup d’état (5)
Rumors of a coup d’état by Hun Sen have started to circulate in Phnom Penh. Many high-ranking government officials, especially police and army officers, could be targeted in political purges following the January 29 incidents. Those elements of the Chea Sim - Sar Kheng faction within the CPP, who feel they could be sidelined, are reportedly making preparations to protect themselves.
 
15 February 2003 

Hun Sen files a defamation lawsuit against Vacheara (1)
Prime Minister Hun Sen denied today that he had ever threatened to arrest Princess Norodom Vacheara (KI, 14 February) as the latter had claimed in an article in today’s Cambodia Daily. He declared that he would sue the royalist parliamentarian for libel. If Hun Sen effectively implements his plan before a complacent tribunal, Princess Vacheara risks loosing her parliamentary immunity and being effectively arrested like her brother Prince Norodom Sirivudh in 1995. 

King Sihanouk confronts Patriarch Tep Vong (1)
Responding to a plea from Buddhist Monks asking for the right to vote, King Norodom Sihanouk issued today a statement disapproving Supreme Patriarch Tep Vong for his denying Buddhist Monks the right to take part in elections. The King stated that he respected Tep Vong’s “right decision” in the spiritual domain [formulated in a June15, 2002 Edict] to invite all Monks not to take part in the forthcoming legislative elections. But the King added: “Following protests from some Monks, I apologize to the Supreme Patriarch for not being able to forbid the concerned Monks from taking part in elections, because in the temporal domain and according to the Constitution of the Kingdom of Cambodia, those Monks have the right to fulfill their role, like any other Cambodian citizen, in taking part in the forthcoming legislative elections.”
The King’s message could lead the National Election Committee to extend the registration period (which would normally end in a few days) further for Buddhist Monks who, since the beginning of the voter registration period on January 17, have been confused about their right to vote and have been prevented from getting registered in many registration offices where Tep Vong’s Edict was placarded.     

Funcinpec and SRP join forces to improve voter registration process (1)
Funcinpec and SRP have separately asked the National Election Committee (NEC) to ensure a voter registration rate of at least 95 percent by the end of the ongoing registration process.
Endorsing a requirement first made by Funcinpec, Sam Rainsy wrote today: “Because the registration rate already reached 91.53% as of February 14 (notwithstanding some shortcomings and inaccuracies in statistical approach and data processing), the SRP believes in the possibility for all the concerned parties to work together to achieve the 95-percent objective. He proposed “a series of adequate measures”, from “extending the registration period” to “providing registration offices with more human resources and adequate equipment”, and called on “the international donor community (UNDP, European Union, Japan, Australia, USA, etc) to encourage and provide more assistance to the NEC, so that the 95-percent registration rate is achieved to the satisfaction of all the concerned parties.”

14 February 2003

Chea Sophara in France (2)
Former Phnom Penh governor Chea Sophara arrived this morning in Paris. After staying a while in France for “a medical checkup” and other contacts, he will visit the USA, and is not sure yet about the date of his return to Cambodia. But for sure, he will not go into “exile in Burma”. 

Hun Sen threatens to arrest Funcinpec parliamentarians (2)
This morning, at a meeting of the Council of Ministers, Prime Minister Hun Sen was reported as indirectly threatening to send to Prey Sar prison three Funcinpec National Assembly members:
-         Princess Norodom Vacheara for requesting that he comes in person to give explanations about the recent anti-Thai riots, to the elected representatives of the people.
-         Nan Sy for pointing to the fact that the position of Phnom Penh Governor should be re-attributed to Funcinpec after the sacking of Chea Sophara, since its originally belonged to the royalist party.
-         Keo Remy for too often espousing the points of view of the opposition. 

Voter registration operations tend to speed up (1)
More voters are hurrying to register as the registration period is ending soon (on 15 February, before the announcement of a 2-to-5-day extension period. The threshold of one million (exactly 1,017,040) newly registered voters was reached on 13 February. There are still (officially but in fact significantly more than) 602,611 eligible voters remaining to be registered.
In the provinces, registration operations generally go smoothly. But in Phnom Penh, considered by many observers as the stronghold of the opposition, the CPP-controlled authorities are trying by all means to prevent many citizens, especially among the young and the poor, from getting registered. 

13 February 2003

Chea Sophara left Cambodia today (1)
After obtaining a sick leave but in fact fearing for his security, Phnom Penh  former Governor Chea Sophara left Cambodia this evening. He will decline his appointment as Ambassador to Burma. There are speculations that he will continue to be involved in Cambodian politics. 

Parliamentarians continue to boycott National Assembly meetings (1)
For the fourth day in a row, there was no National Assembly meeting today because of a lack of quorum. By their absence, many Funcinpec and Sam Rainsy Party parliamentarians wanted to protest the fact that Prime Minister Hun Sen had not accepted to come in person to give explanations to National Assembly members about the January 29 violent anti-Thai demonstrations in Phnom Penh, but had instead sent an Interior Ministry’ Secretary of State representing Interior Minister Sar Kheng. 

12 February 2003

Sar Kheng will be Hun Sen’s next target (2)
After having succeeded in eliminating Phnom Penh Governor Chea Sophara in the wake of the January 29 anti-Thai riots in Phnom Penh (KI, 11 February), Prime Minister Hun Sen is allegedly planning to sideline Deputy Prime Minister and Interior Minister Sar Kheng. Under normal circumstances, the Interior Minister is the first government official to be blamed for any failure of the police to maintain law and order. Since Sar Kheng, a close friend t