KHMER INTELLIGENCE

Khmer Intelligence (KI) is a non-government organisation whose objective is to collect sensitive information from non-easily accessible sources to help Khmer and foreign observers better follow and understand the situation in Cambodia. KI finds out what is behind the latest news and news to come. For security reasons KI must preserve anonymity for its informants. Information is classified according to five levels of reliability: Official or Semi-Official (1), Very Reliable (2), Reliable (3), Insistent Rumour (4), Rumour (5).
News compiled by KI are posted on www.khmerintelligence.org
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31 March 2004

Alliance strengthens internal cohesion of both Funcinpec and SRP (2)
In addition to the disconcerting effect it produces on the CPP, another effect of the Alliance of Democrats has been the strengthening of the internal cohesion of both Funcinpec and SRP. With increasing confidence in the Alliance’s capability to bring them victory, members of both Funcinpec and SRP tend to stick together more firmly in their respective parties.

CPP’s fourth miscalculation (2)
The current political deadlock is partly attributable to a number of miscalculations made by the CPP (KI, 21 March 2004: “CPP’s third miscalculation since the last election”). Another reason why no government can be formed on the model of those formed in the previous ten years is related to the CPP’s fourth miscalculation about the possibility of buying at least nine Funcinpec parliamentarians in order to reach a two-thirds majority (of 73 + 9 = 82 parliamentarians) supporting the ruling party.
Actually, no Funcinpec parliamentarians are willing to sell out to the CPP because they realize (and experience proves) there is no future for a renegade in the CPP culture and system.

Political and military strategies (2)
Cambodian politicians realize the importance of forging alliances and maneuvering forces like on a battlefield. They remember how Napoleon’s French Army was defeated by the Allied Armies at Waterloo in 1815. Napoleon’s plan was to hit the Prussian and British armies separately and defeat them individually before they had  a chance to link up. But Wellington commanding the British Army (which was initially outnumbered by the French forces) and Blucher commanding the Prussian Army eventually succeeded in regrouping their forces; they outmaneuvered and defeated Napoleon.

30 March 2004

Prince Ranariddh: “Alliance is the only hope for the Cambodian people” (1)
The firm position of Funcinpec President Prince Norodom Ranariddh, who is considered by many observers as the key man in the effort to find a solution to the current political crisis, is reflected in a March 23 letter that the Prince wrote to opposition leader Sam Rainsy: “ I strongly believe that [the Sam Rainsy Party’s] position [supporting Funcinpec in the ongoing negotiation process] has made all members of our two parties as well as the Cambodian people as a whole feel secure and trust the strong force represented by the Alliance of Democrats, which is the only hope for the Cambodian people with regard to the defense of our national independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, and the promotion of economic progress and social justice.” See original text in Khmer at
www.samrainsyparty.org/letter/2004/03/prince_norodom_ranariddh_letter_to_sam_rainsy_kh.pdf

Emboldened by Alliance’s strength, Funcinpec requires 50 percent of all government positions (1)
According to CPP mouthpiece “Rasmei Kampuchea” dated March 30, caretaker Prime Minister and CPP Vice-President Hun Sen showed, at a March 29 public meeting, that he was frustrated at Funcinpec’s latest demand for 50 percent of all government positions at all levels, from ministerial positions to “village chief” positions.
In its current negotiations with the CPP aimed at forming a coalition government, Funcinpec seems to be emboldened by the strength of its alliance with the opposition Sam Rainsy Party.
At the last elections in July 2003, the two parties of the Alliance of Democrats collected altogether 2,2 million votes versus 2,4 million for the CPP, while 1 million potential voters, who are believed to be non-CPP supporters, were prevented from casting their ballots in a subtle form of election rigging – political discrimination and administrative harassment during the voter registration process, long before voting day. Those irregularities were not seen by most international observers (KI, 15 August 2003, “CPP's victory based on deliberate measures to prevent scores of potential voters from voting”). With further manipulation at the seat allocation level (KI, 19 August 2003: "A manipulated proportional representation system") and by systematically refusing to recount ballots and address opposition complaints, the CPP secured 73 seats at the National Assembly versus 50 seats for the Alliance of Democrats (26 for Funcinpec, 24 for SRP). But the CPP cannot form any government without Funcinpec and/or SRP, which are now sticking together.

29 March 2004

SRP recovers the control of Poipet (1)
Poipet, Cambodia’s largest commune with over 100,000 inhabitants (of which only 70,000 are registered), is under the control of the opposition again after the Ministry of Interior issued an official note last week declaring SRP member Hay Nam Heng as the new commune chief (or city mayor in the present case) following some internal disputes in the 11-member commune council (5 from SRP, 4 from CPP, and 2 from Funcinpec). SRP won a majority of votes at the February 2, 2002 local election.
The internal disputes had resulted in a 9-month political and administrative stalemate that blocked many development projects in this booming border city characterized by an exceptionally high crime rate (casinos, drug trafficking, human trafficking, violent land disputes, murders, and acts of banditry).
A handful of high-ranking government officials, army officers and business tycoons (less than 1,000 people or one percent of the population) own or control over 75 percent of the land (96,000 hectares in total). The majority of the population is made up of landless farmers and homeless labourers, who form the SRP’s constituency.
The new mayor is expected to push for the implementation of a vast land reform.    

CPP-proposed formula acceptable to Funcinpec (2)
In order to deal with the touchy border issue in the ongoing negotiation process, the CPP has proposed the formation of a national committee composed of seven representatives of respectively the King, the President of the National Assembly (Funcinpec), the President of the Senate (CPP), the Prime Minister (CPP), and each of the three political parties represented in the National Assembly (CPP, Funcinpec, and SRP). Funcinpec seems agreeable to the proposal.
In total, the committee will have seven members with the following political affiliations: one neutral (representing the King), three pro-CPP, and three pro-Alliance of Democrats.
This formula could be used for the establishment of other special committees that will be set up to deal with other important issues: fight against corruption, organization of forthcoming elections, and re-organization of the justice system.    

27 March 2004

Hun Sen must reach definite agreement with Prince Ranariddh before April 13 (2)
Earlier this month (KI, 14 March 2004: “Chea Sim will take over if Hun Sen fails to convince Prince Ranariddh this coming week”) we wrote: “The CPP Politburo reportedly decided that if Hun Sen fails, at the summit meeting(s) scheduled for mid-March, to convince Prince Norodom Ranariddh to form an acceptable coalition government with the CPP, then, Chea Sim, in his capacity as CPP President, will take over negotiations for the CPP in order to reach an agreement with the other two parties.”
Because of the volatile situation and a number of unexpected developments such as the King’s decision to indefinitely postpone his return to Cambodia, Hun Sen has obtained an extension of the deadline until the Cambodian New Year, which is April 13.
The New Year is a highly symbolic date, beyond which it will be clear to all – after a nine-month deadlock – that Hun Sen is part of the problem. Instead of being an asset, Hun Sen has become a liability for the ruling party. With the tacit approval of the King and a formal request from Funcinpec and the Sam Rainsy Party, CPP President and acting Head of State Chea Sim will likely take a decisive initiative to solve the deadlock immediately after the Cambodian New Year.   

26 March 2004

Instructions from the CPP Politburo (2)
In a secret and most recent (but undated and unsigned) 2-page document from the Politburo (or Standing Committee) to all CPP leaders titled “Instructions from the Collective Leadership”, the following points are elaborated:
I – There are six main tasks/objectives for our party, out of which four can be publicly discussed:
1. Strengthen internal cohesion/solidarity. A government made up of three parties will be difficult to lead. We must avoid creating additional problems.
2. Preserve political stability and public order.
3. Preserve macro-economic stability. Control inflation.
4. Ensure the continuity of government work. Don’t wait for the new government to be formed.
5. Maintain good relationship with foreign countries and international institutions. The Minister of Foreign Affairs must tour friendly countries to ask for continuous support for the Royal Government of Cambodia. The Minister of Finance must explain Cambodia’s situation to donor countries, the ADB, the World Bank, etc.
6. Continue negotiations aimed at setting up a new National Assembly and a new Government by insisting on a “package vote”. [See KI, 23 March 2004: “Prince Ranariddh rejects CPP-proposed "package vote"”].
II – Concrete work
1. Control the behavior of your relatives/children so as not to tarnish the image of our party.
2. Collect State revenues so as to ensure the payment of salaries [of civil servants and soldiers].
3. Address public discontent.
4. Encourage private investment.
5. Control factory workers’ strikes and demonstrations.
6. Control and repress opposition street protests.
7. Develop social activities to gain public sympathy.
8. Continue to work with NGOs that support us.
9. Develop public relations with the external world including foreign investors.
10. For institutions whose chairman is from another party: Get the effective control of the institution if the chairman creates problems to us; but if there is no problem with the chairman, we tolerate him while slowly undermining his authority.
11. Be prepared to make public the negotiation process. If the other side rejects our proposal related to the “package vote”, we will have to expose their deceitful approach.
About the National Congress: We must propose that all related constitutional provisions be taken out because the National Congress belonged to the Sangkum Reastr Niyum Party [in a one-party system in the 1960’s], whereas there are now more than 50 political parties, which makes impossible the holding of a National Congress.

CPP pessimistic about negotiation outcome (2)
In its March 25 edition, CPP mouthpiece “Rasmei Kampuchea” published an article entitled “There is little hope for the March 28 negotiation”. One of the reasons why negotiations that will start next Sunday will not likely lead to a quick resolution of the current political crisis, is related to the composition of the Funcinpec negotiation team. The five team members are Prince Norodom Sirivudh (team leader), Nhek Bun Chhay, Luu Lay Sreng, Kong Vibol, and Sun Chanthol. “They have different stances. Only Nhek Bun Chhay is open-minded and flexible. As for Prince Sirivudh, he is known as a hard liner, and is a close friend to Sam Rainsy.”

23 March 2004

Prince Ranariddh rejects CPP-proposed “package vote” (2)
On March 21, at a ceremony commemorating the 23^rd anniversary of the founding of Funcinpec, Prince Norodom Ranariddh diplomatically rejected a proposal from caretaker Prime Minister Hun Sen’s CPP to organize at the National Assembly a “package vote” whereby parliamentarians will be asked to simultaneously elect, in one single vote, the new Prime Minister (tentatively Hun Sen), the new Speaker of the National Assembly (tentatively Prince Ranariddh), other members of the National Assembly Standing Committee, other members of the Royal Government, and at the same time amend the Constitution accordingly since such a vote currently looks like a constitutional coup.
Prince Ranariddh politely said that the explosive issue of the “package vote” is “not important” and “can be avoided” if we can find an alternative (but legal) way to ensure the election of Hun Sen to the premiership once all the political parties have agreed on the political program, the structure, the functioning mechanism and the composition of the to-be-formed government. This law-abiding approach implies that we have to expect arduous negotiations before all the political parties can reach such a comprehensive agreement.
But Hun Sen insists on the “package vote” because he is very anxious about his election since he fears that, in the normal procedure of several sequential votes, Funcinpec and SRP parliamentarians will not vote for him after he will have called on CPP parliamentarians to vote for Prince Ranariddh, and he is not sure either that all the CPP parliamentarians will vote for him because some of them are discretely working for CPP President Chea Sim to be the next Prime Minister (KI, 19 December 2003: “Chea Sim is CPP’s backup candidate for Prime Minister”; KI, 19 December 2003: “"Package deal vote" intended to tie down parliamentarians from both Alliance and CPP”; KI, 11 March 2004: “Toward a "two-and-a-half-party government"?”; KI, 14 March 2004: “Chea Sim will take over if Hun Sen fails to convince Prince Ranariddh this coming week”).

Venue for talks to change after King’s return (2)
Political negotiations aimed at forming a new government will resume Sunday, March 28, with CPP and Funcinpec delegations meeting at the office of the Council for the Development of Cambodia (former UNTAC headquarters), next to Wat Phnom.
This choice of the venue for the talks can be seen as disrespectful towards King Norodom Sihanouk, who hosted a series of similar meetings late last year and earlier this year at the Royal Palace, and had given instructions to provide, anytime, facilities at the Royal Palace for political parties to meet on neutral ground.  Any important meeting at the Royal Palace is seen by the Cambodian people as taking place under the auspices of the respected Monarch, who likes to be called the Father of the Nation.
Therefore, the political talks will probably continue next month at the Royal Palace, a highly symbolic venue, after the return of the King on April 2.

Khmer Intelligence expands its audience (1)
Since its launch on August 1, 2002, KI Web site has received more than 150,000 visitors. Over the last few weeks there have been about 500 visitors per day, which is a record level.
Access by country (when this can be determined):
- Cambodia:                   24%
- USA:                           15%  (including US Educational: 6%;  US Government: 2%;  US Military: 1%)
- France:                        13%
- Australia:                      10%
- Canada:                       10%
- Japan:                          10%
- Switzerland:                   3%
- Germany:                       3%
- New Zealand:                2%
- Singapore:                      1%
- Thailand                         1%
- Belgium:                         1%
- Other countries:              7%
(Source: Seanic. Net Web Hosting Control Panel. Web Statistics).

21 March 2004

CPP’s third miscalculation since the last election (2)
Since the July 27, 2003 general election, the ruling CPP has made three major miscalculations. The first two were pointed out more than four months ago (KI, 12 November 2003: “CPP’s miscalculations”). The third miscalculation was made only a few days ago.
The current political stalemate is linked to these three miscalculations:
1- Instead of becoming an even more docile partner after its electoral losses (from 43 parliamentary seats to 26), Funcinpec reasserted its personality with an unexpected determination to go its own way.
2- In spite of their bitter personal conflict in a recent past, Funcinpec President Prince Norodom Ranariddh and opposition leader Sam Rainsy decided to join hands and formed a surprising “Alliance of Democrats”.
3- After the signing of the March 15, 2004 tentative government deal between Hun Sen and Prince Ranariddh, the CPP thought it could break the Alliance of Democrats because the SRP was apparently excluded from the deal. The CPP plan proved wrong because Sam Rainsy decided to support the stance of Prince Ranariddh, stick to Funcinpec and consolidate the Alliance of Democrats (KI, 17 March 2004: “SRP decides to join coalition government”).
Incidentally, several diplomats and foreign observers have made the same mistakes as the CPP, which has succeeded in strongly influencing them (KI, 14 March 2004: “Many diplomats to be mistaken again”).

SRP’s strategy seen by CPP (2)
- Excerpt from CPP mouthpiece “Rasmei Kampuchea” published on March 20: “A number of analysts have expressed their concern that the formation of a new government will be difficult to achieve as long as Prince Norodom Ranariddh lets Sam Rainsy have so much influence on the negotiation process that has just started. It has also been observed that Sam Rainsy has sort of kidnapped Funcinpec under the banner of the Alliance of Democrats.”
- Excerpt from the same “Rasmei Kampuchea” published on March 21: “Funcinpec has fallen into a trap laid by Sam Rainsy.”
See original texts in Khmer at http://www.cambodiapolitics.org/news/r_k/news.htm

20 March 2004

March 15 “Veal Sbov agreement” worse for Hun Sen than November 5 “Royal Palace agreement” (2)
In analysing the negotiation process between Cambodian political parties aimed at forming a new, legal government, many observers have not carefully read and compared two landmark agreements:
1- The November 5, 2003 agreement sponsored by King Norodom Sihanouk and jointly and solemnly signed in the Royal Palace by the King, the top leaders of the three political parties (Chea Sim and Hun Sen for the CPP, Prince Norodom Ranariddh for the Funcinpec party, and Sam Rainsy for the SRP), and the two Buddhist Supreme Patriarchs. The agreement lays the ground for a clearly defined three-party government and gives a strong indication – some would say guarantee – that Hun Sen will (continue to) be Prime Minister.
2- The March 15, 2004 agreement discretely – some would say secretively – signed by only Hun Sen and Prince Ranariddh at the latter’s residence in Veal Sbov commune, on the outskirts of Phnom Penh. The agreement is extremely vague (KI, 16 March 2004: “Vagueness in March 15 agreement works in favour of the Alliance”). It just says that CPP and Funcinpec will set up a joint working group to discuss the political program and the structure of a to-be-formed government, in which Prince Ranariddh will be allowed to include members from the “other party” (not mentioned in the agreement but represented in the National Assembly) that can only be the SRP (thus the nickname “two-and-a-half-party” government). But there is no indication whatsoever that Hun Sen (or anybody else) can pretend to be Prime Minister in the future government. In politics, everything must be clearly specified and nothing can be taken for granted.
When comparing the two agreements and trying to look a little bit ahead, one can make the following remarks:
- The Alliance of Democrats (more precisely Prince Ranariddh and Sam Rainsy) may have outwitted or “out-tricked” Hun Sen.
- Since the March 15, 2004 agreement is likely to collapse because full of loopholes, the leaders of the three parties may have no other (decent and realistic) option than asking the King to help them implement the November 5, 2003 agreement.

The three parties may turn to the King for help (2)
King Norodom Sihanouk is expected to be back from China early next month (KI, 13 March 2004: “King will come back on April 2”). The respected Monarch has expressed a negative opinion about a two-party government (KI, 9 March 2004: “King warns Funcinpec against forming a 2-party government with CPP”), and apparently prefers to see the three parties working together in order to put the country on its feet again (KI, 15 March 2004: “King clearly shows preference for three-party government”).
As for “Strongman” (nickname given by the King) Hun Sen, time increasingly becomes a key factor that will work against him (KI, 11 March 2004: “Hun Sen to meet Prince Ranariddh next week”; KI, 14 March 2004: “Chea Sim will take over if Hun Sen fails to convince Prince Ranariddh this coming week”), as long as the Alliance of Democrats remains firm (KI, 17 March 2004: “SRP decides to join coalition government”).        

17 March 2004

SRP decides to join coalition government (1)
A statement from the Alliance of Democrats dated March 16 but published only this morning shows that the opposition Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) has decided to join a coalition government with CPP and Funcinpec if and when such a government is formed pending a preliminary agreement on a political platform (KI, 16 March 2004: “Vagueness in March 15 agreement works in favour of the Alliance”).
Only one day after CPP and Funcinpec concluded a tentative power-sharing deal to set up what is improperly called a "two-and-a-half-party" government, Prince Norodom Ranariddh and Sam Rainsy agreed yesterday that Funcinpec and SRP
1- Continue and strengthen their cooperation in the framework of the Alliance of Democrats.
2- Will strive to ensure that the to-be-formed new, legal government will be a coalition government for national union and national salvation.
3- Will strive to ensure that the new government will implement a political program that defends the supreme national interests as stated in the joint political platform of FUNCINPEC and SRP promoted by the Alliance of Democrats.
4- Will ensure that roles and positions will be fairly and effectively shared between the two democratic parties within the new government.
5- Will consult each other on every important issue and decision when participating in the new government.

16 March 2004 

Vagueness in March 15 agreement works in favour of the Alliance (2)
Opposition leaders today expressed the view that the tentative government deal signed on March 15 by CPP Vice-President Hun Sen and Funcinpec President Prince Norodom Ranariddh only states a few vague and flexible guidelines that clash neither with the Alliance of Democrats’ principles nor with the King-sponsored November 5, 2003 agreement on a three-party government.
SRP President Sam Rainsy said last week that he welcome the March 15 summit meeting and gave Alliance of Democrats President Prince Norodom Ranariddh power of attorney to represent and defend the Alliance’s interests.  
One of the Alliance’s fundamental principles concerns the need to discuss political program before the composition of, or the sharing of positions in, any to-be-formed coalition government. This principle was respected in the March 15 deal.
The “two-and-a-half-party government” formula (KI, 11 March 2004: “Toward a two-and-a-half-party government?”) that is apparently implicit in the March 15 deal, is only a face-saving manner to describe what will be either a two-party government (if SRP refuses to join) or a de facto three-party government (if SRP decides to join). But Alliance leaders vowed today that, in any case, Cambodian patriots and democrats will work together to defend the country’s supreme interests.  

15 March 2004

King clearly shows preference for three-party government (1)
After warning Funcinpec against joining a two-party government with the CPP and “predicting” a three-party government as a result of ongoing talks between Prince Ranariddh and Hun Sen (KI, 13 March 2004: “King predicts a three-party government”), King Norodom Sihanouk last night issued a message posted on his Web site clearly saying his preference for a three-party government.
Referring to the results of a recent opinion poll (KI, 12 March 2004: “Cambodia’s first scientifically conducted opinion poll on political preferences”) showing in particular that Cambodia’s three main political leaders can boast approximately the same level of popularity, the King wrote: “In light of this poll result, Reason wants the tripartite government formula to triumph in leading our "2^nd" Kingdom [of Cambodia], with as "triumvirate" (like in Ancient Rome) our three heroes [Norodom] Ranariddh – Hun Sen – Sam Rainsy.” See original text in French at
http://www.norodomsihanouk.info/mes%2004/mars/1403txt7.htm

14 March 2004

Chea Sim will take over if Hun Sen fails to convince Prince Ranariddh this coming week (2)
The 8-month political stalemate has triggered a heated debate within the ruling CPP on how to solve the deadlock (KI, 11 March 2004: “Hun Sen to meet Prince Ranariddh next week”, and “Toward a two-and-a-half-party government?”). Earlier this month, the CPP Politburo reportedly decided that if Hun Sen fails, at the summit meeting(s) scheduled for mid-March, to convince Prince Norodom Ranariddh to form an acceptable coalition government with the CPP, then, Chea Sim, in his capacity as CPP President, will take over negotiations for the CPP in order to reach an agreement with the other two parties. If a new round of negotiations led by Chea Sim were successful, Chea Sim would be the Prime Minister of the new Royal Government of Cambodia.

Alliance would win another election today (2)
For strategic reasons, the results of a recent public opinion survey (KI, 12 March 2004: “Cambodia’s first scientifically conducted opinion poll on political preferences”) have been only partly published. Among the non officially published results (given to Funcinpec and SRP leaders) are the following question and answers:
“If there were another election today, do you think you would vote for the Cambodian People’s Party, or the Alliance of Democrats, the coalition of Funcinpec and the Sam Rainsy Party?”
Answers by 1,200 respondents randomly selected throughout Cambodia:
- Alliance of Democrats:       50%
-Cambodian People’s Party:  35%
[Margin of error: ±2.83%].

U.S. Senate Majority Leader calls for new leadership in Cambodia (1)
In his March 12, 2004 floor remarks on Capitol Hill, U.S. Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist – one of America’s most powerful men – called for a new leadership in Cambodia. Referring to the latest spate of political killings, he declared: “The body count of [Cambodian] peaceful advocates murdered in the line of duty continues to grow.” About the current Phnom Penh regime: “Caretaker Prime Minister Hun Sen and the Cambodian People’s Party have failed to uphold the rule of law or create conditions conducive to the growth of democracy and prosperity. I want to add my voice to those calling for new leadership in Cambodia.” About the danger stemming from the current situation: “While Cambodia may seem small and unworthy of the world’s attention, we should not forget that terrorism thrives in lawless and chaotic conditions: the very kind you find in Cambodia today.” And as a conclusion: “A warning and a plea. I urge my colleagues to support reform in this troubled land.”

Many diplomats to be mistaken again (2)
Many Phnom Penh-based diplomats are likely to be mistaken again about Cambodia’s political situation. Nearly eight months ago, they predicted the quick formation of a two-party government (CPP + Funcinpec) on the same model as those governments in place from 1993 to 2003, and they didn’t believe in the solidity of the newly formed Alliance of Democrats (KI, 21 September 2003: “Many diplomats are revising their assessment of Cambodia’s political situation”; KI, 12 November 2003: “CPP’s miscalculations”). Now, they show skepticism about the possibility of a new balance of power in this country. Many diplomats here are too conservative or too much under the influence of the ruling CPP to grasp new developments and new trends, and make objective assessments.

13 March 2004 

Hun Sen will promise the throne to Prince Ranariddh (2)
A CPP source has given KI the following information:
1- Hun Sen will meet Prince Norodom Ranariddh next Monday, March 15 (KI, 11 March 2004: “Hun Sen to meet Prince Ranariddh next week”).
2- Knowing that he cannot buy Prince Ranariddh with money (KI, 13 December 2003: “Prince Ranariddh rejects secret deal proposed by Hun Sen”) or lucrative positions for Funcinpec officials (KI, 10 March 2004: “CPP makes a higher bid to lure Funcinpec into a two-party government”), Hun Sen will at the meeting promise the throne to Prince Ranariddh in his capacity as Funcinpec President.
In exchange for a two-party government dominated by the CPP, Hun Sen will ensure Prince Ranariddh that he (the Prince) will succeed his father King Norodom Sihanouk as Cambodia’s next Monarch.
Hun Sen will point out that under such a two-party government, the Royal Council of the Throne (whose role is to choose a new King “no more than seven days” after the death of the present King) can be easily controlled by the two leaders working together. In accordance with Article 13 of the Constitution, the Council’s current nine members are: the Prime Minister (Hun Sen), the President of the National Assembly (Prince Ranariddh), the two Vice-Presidents of the National Assembly (Heng Samrin and Nguon Nhel, both of them are CPP members), the President of the Senate (CPP President Chea Sim), the two Vice-Presidents of the Senate (Sisowath Chivan Monirak and Nhek Bun Chhay, both of them are Funcinpec appointees), the Buddhist Supreme Patriarch of the Order of Mohanikay (Tep Vong, a CPP supporter), the Buddhist Supreme Patriarch of the Order of Thammayut (Bou Kry, a Funcinpec supporter).
Over the last few years, Hun Sen has reportedly promised King Norodom Sihanouk to ensure that Queen Norodom Monineath Sihanouk will be appointed “Non-Reigning Queen” (as a symbol of the Monarchy) upon the King’s demise, pending the appointment of Prince Norodom Sihamoni as Cambodia’s next Monarch.
Hun Sen has declared “taboo” the issue of the royal succession (KI, 9 October 2002: "Hun Sen wants to be Head of State").

King predicts a three-party government (1)
In a Royal Message posted late last night on his Web site King Norodom Sihanouk predicts the formation soon of a three-party government. “Because Prince Ranariddh has already committed himself too far to the defence of the three-party formula for the formation of the new Royal Government of Cambodia, our Strongman [Hun Sen] can only, in principle, accept such a formula.” See original text in French at
http://www.norodomsihanouk.info/mes%2004/mars/1203txt4.htm
Last week, the King published another message giving his negative opinion about a two-party government (KI, 9 March 2004: “King warns Funcinpec against forming a 2-party government with CPP”).  See original text in French at
http://www.norodomsihanouk.info/mes%2004/mars/0503txt3.htm

King will come back on April 2 (2)
King Norodom Sihanouk will likely leave China on Friday, April 2, and arrive at Phnom Penh international airport on the same day.     

CPP says Vietnam doesn’t want SRP in the government (2)
In today’s editorial of CPP mouthpiece “Rasmei Kampuchea” titled “A three-party government absolutely cannot be formed”, Prime Minister Hun Sen’s CPP gives another reason why the SRP must not be included in the to-be-formed new, legal government: It is because “in his statements, Sam Rainsy has shown he doesn’t like socialist or communist governments. He has always criticized what he calls communist dictatorship (...).  [Since 1993], the Cambodian government has had good relationship with all countries in the world, including Vietnam, Burma, China, Russia, Cuba, etc, all of which (sic) are communist countries. If Sam Rainsy, who has shown his strong opposition to communism, is a member of the Cambodian government, the above-mentioned communist countries may not be happy with us.”
See original text in Khmer at
http://www.cambodiapolitics.org/news/r_k/040313_1r.PDF

12 March 2004

Cambodia’s first scientifically conducted opinion poll on political preferences (1)
A national public opinion survey of Cambodian political attitudes was conducted in January and February this year by a Washington-based professional organization (Ayres, McHenry & Associates) with the support of the International Republican Institute. The results were published today on IRI Web site:
http://www.iri.org/pdfs/camb-poll-02-04.pdf
Main conclusions:
1- 73 percent of Cambodians say the country is not doing so well now, and 53 percent say life will be about the same or worse off five years from now.
2- 88 percent of Cambodians view poverty as a very important problem. Border integrity is also considered a very important problem by a majority of 86 percent.
3- Prince Norodom Ranariddh is Cambodia’s most popular political figure with 67 percent of Cambodians expressing a favourable opinion of him, followed by Chea Sim (66 percent), Hun Sen (66 percent) and Sam Rainsy (62 percent).
4- 36 percent of Cambodians have a favourable view of the Alliance of Democrats (Funcinpec + SRP), but 49 percent have never heard of that political grouping.
5- 49 percent of voters say they voted for the CPP in the July 27, 2003 elections (actual score: 47 percent); 18 percent say they voted for Funcinpec (actual score: 21 percent); 25 percent say they voted for the SRP (actual score: 22 percent). This tends to show that ballot counting did not, on the whole, significantly distort the actual voters’ will. But it does not mean that the will of the people (citizens) has not been distorted given the fact that 1.5 million potential voters (out of 6.7 million) had been methodically excluded from the registration and voting processes, which most international observers did not see (KI, 15 August 2003: “CPP's victory based on deliberate measures to prevent scores of potential voters from voting”).
6- Among foreign countries, Cambodians like the U.S.A. most (83 percent) and Vietnam least (23 percent).

CPP realizes they cannot buy Funcinpec (2)
An editorial titled "What do they [The Alliance of Democrats] really want?" in today's CPP mouthpiece "Rasmei Kampuchea" following a recent CPP offer to give Funcinpec more honorific and lucrative positions in exchange for the royalist party's participation in a two-party government (KI, 10 March 2004: "CPP makes a higher bid to lure Funcinpec into a two-party government") shows that the CPP doesn't know what to do to break the Alliance of Democrats. In the editorial, the CPP argues that the King-sponsored November 5, 2003 agreement to form a three-party agreement is "dead". Before the signing of the 1991 Paris Peace Agreements, the CPP had also argued that then Prince Norodom Sihanouk was politically "dead" and that they would never allow him to come back to Cambodia.... 

11 March 2004

Hun Sen to meet Prince Ranariddh next week (2)
CPP Vice-President and caretaker Prime Minister Hun Sen is going to meet Funcinpec and Alliance of Democrats President Prince Norodom Ranariddh some time next week.
Hun Sen is not confident at all that he will be able to convince Prince Ranariddh to accept the idea of a two-party government but he is under pressure from his own party and some foreign countries to move forward given the numerous constraints and deadlines facing Cambodia: Donor Consultative Group meeting, ratification of WTO agreement, Khmer Rouge trials, new loan agreements with international financial institutions, official visits and meetings abroad where Cambodia must be represented by a legitimate government.

Toward a “two-and-a-half-party government”? (2)
Knowing that Prince Ranariddh, as President of the Alliance of Democrats, will reject right away the idea of a two-party government, and desperately trying to avoid a three-party government, Hun Sen will first propose at the meeting next week a “two-and-a-half-party government”, in which Funcinpec would be allowed to include in its 40 to 50 percent quota some elements from the SRP. This new formula – which is also an attempt to break both the Alliance and the SRP – will constitute only a bargaining position, but the last word will belong to Prince Ranariddh since Hun Sen is in a more difficult position within his own party than most observers would imagine (KI, 16 November 2003: “Hun Sen fighting on two fronts”; KI, 20 January 2004: “At least eight CPP Assembly members will not vote for Hun Sen”).
Therefore, Hun Sen cannot afford to rely on a strategy that only consists in trying to break (i.e. buy some elements of) Funcinpec. He needs the support of the whole Funcinpec (26 National Assembly members) through an agreement with Prince Ranariddh, in order to be able to cope with possible bad surprises from his own party when a secret ballot is organized at the National Assembly to elect a new Prime Minister. If Hun Sen fails to collect the required 82 votes (out of 123), the CPP will nominate its President, Chea Sim, as candidate for Prime Minister. Chea Sim will be elected without any doubt since he enjoys the support of the three parties.   

10 March 2004

CPP makes a higher bid to lure Funcinpec into a two-party government (1)
CPP mouthpiece “Rasmei Kampuchea” today writes in big headlines that Funcinpec will have 45 percent (instead of 40 percent previously) of all  government positions in a two-party government. But there is not a single word about what such a government would do. A leader of the Alliance of Democrats views the move as “bribery” and comments that the CPP can increase its offer to “99 percent” (of all nominal positions) but will still fail in its attempt to buy credible Funcinpec members as long as it does not address the need to first determine a credible political platform with potential partners.

Corruption in the health system and donors’ complacency seen by Dr Beat Richner (1)
Dr Beat Richner is a respected German Swiss physician who has volunteered to work in Cambodia for the last 12 years, notably at the head of the country’s three most modern and best managed (privately-run) hospitals. In a two-page statement in French-language newspaper “Cambodge Soir” dated 25 February 2004, he denounces Cambodia’s corruption-plagued health system that operates with the knowledge, support and complicity of foreign donors including WHO and Unicef.
Based on experience from his three hospitals funded by private donations – which have treated 4.7 million patients since 1992 – and comparisons with State-run hospitals and health centers, he points out the absence of any consistent disease prevention policy at the national level, for example for tuberculosis, dengue fever and AIDS transmission from mother to child.
Most State-run health centers in the rural areas are desperately empty, not because there are no patients but because patients have no money to pay bribes for services that are supposed to be free... thanks to international assistance. Corruption and complacency about corruption are criminal if we look at the appalling death rates in Cambodia (KI, 6 January 2004: “Details about mortality and illiteracy rates”).
For more information about Dr Richner's hospitals, please visit www.beatocello.com   

First Cham-language radio program to be broadcast on March 12 (1)
Following an authorization granted by the Information Ministry on March 9, Phnom Penh-based independent radio station 93.5 FM will start broadcasting on Friday, March 12 the first ever radio program in Cham language. Cham language is spoken by a 500,000-strong Muslim minority in Cambodia. The program, with an exclusively cultural content, will be broadcast every Friday, from 4.00 pm to 5.00 pm.

Confirmation of illegal fishing (1)
In a news titled “Khmer fishermen complain about Vietnamese intrusion” KI wrote on 28 October 2003: “Cambodian fishermen in the maritime provinces of Kampot, Sihanoukville and Koh Kong are complaining about Vietnamese intrusion on their livelihoods (...). Cambodian authorities (Navy, Police, Fisheries Department) turn a blind eye to these practices because they are submitted to corruption and/or political threat.”
The Cambodia Daily on 9 March 2004 (“Fishermen Raid Reveals Bribery, Official Says”) confirmed our information: “A fisheries official accused maritime border guards of accepting bribes from Vietnamese fishermen who illegally fish in Cambodian waters (...)”.

Confirmation of anarchic land grabbing (1)
In a news titled “Anarchy in Sihanoukville” published on 5 January 2004, KI wrote that corrupt government officials and their business cronies were plundering State-owned assets and unfairly seizing lands occupied by poor people.
In today’s pro-CPP Khmer-language newspapers “Rasmei Kampuchea” and “Koh Santepheap”, there are prominent articles detailing anarchic land grabbing in the port city of Sihanoukville. The corresponding article in “Rasmei Kampuchea” bears the following headline: “The phenomenon of land grabbing erupts as a typhoon in Sihanoukville”.
The multiplication on land-related incidents combined with persistent poverty stresses the urgency of a vast land reform in Cambodia (KI, 26 February 2004: « “The Mystery of Capital” or the missing knowledge to address persistent poverty »).

9 March 2004

King warns Funcinpec against forming a 2-party government with CPP (1)
In a March 5 message posted on his website, King Norodom Sihanouk warns Funcinpec not to go into a two-party government with Hun Sen’s CPP. He predicts if Prince Ranariddh accepts Hun Sen’s formula to create a two-party government of Funcinpec and CPP, “Ranariddh and his Funcinpec will then lose all credibility and honorability in the eyes of numerous compatriots and foreigners. And Funcinpec, already very divided and very weakened, will no longer have a future, after [the next general elections in] 2008.”
In a March 5 letter also posted on his website, King Sihanouk tells Opposition leader Sam Rainsy who suggests a one-party government (CPP alone) if a three-party government cannot be formed: “I have no right to be involved in the formation of the Royal Government of Cambodia.” Such a sharp response can be seen as reflecting the King’s reluctance to endorse a CPP-alone government.
Recently, the King has shown his willingness to endorse a three-party government (CPP, Funcinpec, SRP) as evidenced by the November 5, 2003 agreement to form such a government, which was concluded at the Royal Palace and jointly signed by the leaders of the three political parties and the King himself. Subsequently, the King said he would not allow politicians to use the November 5 agreement as a basis for their negotiations without his participation. This about-turn came at a time when the King appeared to be upset by the inability or the unwillingness of the three political parties to implement the November 5 agreement, and the Monarch was apparently piqued by what he perceived as the three parties’ arrogance (KI, 12 November 2003: “Behind the misunderstanding about the future Prime Minister”; KI, 14 February 2004: “CPP rejects King-sponsored November 5 agreement”).
See King’s message in French and letter in Khmer at www.norodomsihanouk.info
See Sam Rainsy’s letter in French at www.samrainsyparty.org

Hun Sen disappointed with Nhek Bun Chhay (2)
Caretaker Prime Minister and CPP leader Hun Sen has expressed disappointment and anger following Funcinpec Deputy Secretary-General Nhek Bun Chhay’s inability to convince Prince Norodom Ranariddh to form a CPP-Funcinpec government (KI, 7 March 2004: “Nhek Bun Chhay finds little support among Funcinpec members”). As a last attempt to convince Prince Ranariddh, Nhek Bun Chhay with his wealthy friends Ly Yong Phat and Say Hak went to greet the Prince at Bangkok international airport on March 6, when the Prince was catching a connecting flight on his way from Paris to Phnom Penh.
Nhek Bun Chhay had reportedly ensured Hun Sen, whom he had met twice recently, that he would manage to make Prince Ranariddh declare his support for a two-party government upon his return to Cambodia this week.

8 March 2004 

World Bank stops providing loans to lame duck government (1)
Like the Asian Development Bank, which declared on February 10 that it would not provide new loans to Cambodia without the National Assembly’s approval (The Cambodia Daily, 11 February 2004: “ADB Says No New Loans Without Assembly”), the World Bank last week confirmed the position of all international financial institutions not to conclude any new loan agreements with the current Phnom Penh caretaker government.
In a March 5 response to Alliance of Democrats leaders Prince Norodom Ranariddh and Sam Rainsy who wrote to World Bank President James Wolfensohn on February 11 (KI, 12 February 2004: “World Bank asked to stop budget support for illegitimate government”), World Bank Vice President (for East Asia and Pacific Region) Jemal-ud-din Kassum writes: “Regarding our ongoing program in Cambodia, it is proceeding in terms of projects under implementation and analytical work. We cannot, however, sign any new loans or complete discussion on our new Country Assistance Strategy (CAS) until a new government is in place.”
Regarding a controversial budget support that the caretaker government continued to receive from ADB, the World Bank and Japan until December 2003 (KI, 12 February 2004: “Cash-strapped caretaker government gets vital budget support”), the World Bank letter specifies that the operation (called “Structural Adjustment Credit”) has been brought “to a conclusion in December 2003”, while the Bank recognizes that “Cambodia today faces many challenges including continuing poverty and governance and corruption issues.”    

7 March 2004

Nhek Bun Chhay finds little support among Funcinpec members (2)
Since he departed from his party's line last month by declaring his support for a two-party government (KI, 26 February 2004: "Nhek Bun Chhay to betray Funcinpec"), Deputy Secretary-General Nhek Bun Chhay has found few supporters among members of the royalist party. He had to cancel a press conference he had planned to organize last month.
A petition he initiated also last month, has gathered only 4 names and signatures as of today: Nhek Bun Chhay himself (who is an appointed Senator), Por Bun Sreu (elected National Assembly member for Kompong Thom province), Serey Kosol (former Deputy Governor of Battambang province), and Ok Socheat (Deputy Secretary-General, like Nhek Bun Chhay and about 20 other Funcinpec Deputy Secretaries-Generals).
Nhek Bun Chhay has many reasons for being unhappy with Funcinpec and the Alliance of Democrats:
- He has been poorly regarded in Funcinpec since his leadership in Battambang province during the 2003 election campaign led to a disaster, with Funcinpec losing 2 parliamentary seats out of 3 in that province last year.
- Over the last 3 years, he has been denied entry visa to the U.S.A. because of his alleged involvement in illegal activities.
- Neither Funcinpec nor the Alliance of Democrats could provide him as much money as he needs, contrary to his pro-CPP friends Phat Suphapha (alias Ly Yong Phat) and Say Hak (KI, 25 February 2004: "CPP-affiliated businessmen try to buy Alliance leaders").

5 March 2004

SRP delegates attend CALD meeting in Taiwan (1)
Excerpt from Taiwan News, 5 March 2004: “ [Taiwan] President and governing Democratic Progressive Party Chairman Chen Shui-bian assumed the chairmanship of the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats last night during the CALD’s biennial congress now being held in Kaohsiung City. Chen will be the titular leader of the council for two years, marking the first time in over a decade that the group, which links Asian liberal parties in countries such as Taiwan, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, Cambodia, Burma, Singapore and Sri Lanka, has been led by a serving head of state.” Sam Rainsy is a former chairman of CALD (2000-2002).

Workers' bulletin published online (1)
The Free Trade Union of Workers of the Kingdom of Cambodia (FTUWKC) – whose President Chea Vichea was assassinated on January 22, 2004 – has been publishing a monthly bulletin in Khmer: “The Voice of Workers”. The bulletin is now available online at www.cambodiaworkers.org

4 March 2004

Funcinpec and SRP call for a one-party government (1)
Alliance of Democrats' leaders Prince Norodom Ranariddh and Sam Rainsy are calling for the formation of a one-party government (CPP alone) in order to break the current political deadlock and give Cambodia a legal and constitutional government.
Because on the one hand, Funcinpec and SRP are determined to preserve their alliance, and on the other hand, caretaker Prime Minister Hun Sen's CPP rejects the idea of a three-party government, the only remaining formula for a mutually acceptable solution is a CPP-only government, which will see both Funcinpec and SRP in the opposition (a "Grand Opposition", as Prince Ranariddh calls it).
If the CPP meets the Alliance's demands to ensure a smooth functioning of democratic institutions, such a one-party government can be formed pretty soon, possibly early next month, meaning before King Norodom Sihanouk's return to Cambodia prior to the Cambodian New Year (mid-April).

3 March 2004

Lame duck authorities intensify plunder (2)
Over the past few months there has been an intensification of plunder of natural resources and State-owned assets by officials of the caretaker government, which operates without the control of elected representatives of the people (no functioning National assembly).
Deforestation has reached an unprecedented scale in a situation of total anarchy (there are reports about massive illegal logging every day in Khmer-language newspapers).
More and more State assets are being illegally sold off (KI, 25 January 2004: “Lame duck government selling off State assets”). Latest examples of  prime location State-owned properties that have been disposed of: Red Cross compound (Phnom Penh, Norodom Boulevard), Army High Command Headquarters (Phnom Penh, Norodom Boulevard), Sihanoukville Municipality Headquarters of the Military Police (O Chheu Teal Beach), Siem Reap City Stadium (KI, 29 January: “Fraudulent sale of Siem Reap Stadium”). The authorities are transferring without any transparency the corresponding public facilities to remote and much cheaper locations. Photos can be seen at www.cambodiapolitics.org

ADB delegation misled about poverty in Cambodia (2)
The ADB delegation currently visiting Cambodia (KI, 2 March 2004: “ADB conducts audit of operations in Cambodia”) is being mislead about poverty in this country. They are presented with macro-economic figures that do not reflect the appalling living conditions of the vast majority of the Cambodian people, especially those living in the countryside.
According to today’s Rasmei Kampuchea, Finance Minister Keat Chhon yesterday made a presentation stressing the following points:
- From 1993 to 2003, GDP growth has been 6.7 % per year on average;
- During the same period, inflation rate has dropped from 150% in 1993 to 1.2% in 2003;
- Exchange rate has been fairly stable (currently US$ 1 = Riel 4,000);
- Only 35.5% of the population live under poverty line, versus 48 % in 1993;
- Foreign exchange reserves have increased by 80%.
The above macro-economic figures do not necessarily mean an improvement in the people’s living conditions as measured by human development indicators.
1- GDP growth: The rate has decreased over the last 5 years (to less than 5%, which is not enough to reduce poverty given the population growth), and has been lower than in neighboring countries.
It has been a non-sustainable growth, being based largely on deforestation, prostitution (human trafficking), and drug trafficking. Environmental costs (floods and droughts, destruction of habitats and livelihoods) and social costs (AIDS, crime, destruction of the social fabric) have not been taken into account, but they will translate into heavy economic costs in the future.
It has been a non-equitable growth, being concentrated in Phnom Penh and a few other cities, and benefiting only a small portion of the population, essentially the ruling elite engaged in plunder and corruption.
2- Inflation rate: The 3-digit figure in early 1993 was reduced to less than 10 % by the end of 1994. Since then, prices have tended to decline or stabilize in the region and worldwide. For a poor country like Cambodia, where 80% of the population live on agriculture, a low inflation due to lower food (especially rice) price means a deterioration in the living conditions for the majority of the people (farmers) because traders/middlemen associated with corrupt government officials make huge profits by depressing prices at the farm level and keeping them steady at the market level (in the cities).      
3- Exchange rate: The Riel has lost more than a third of its value since 1994 (at that time, US$ 1 = Riel 2500). But over the last 7 to 8 years, the Riel has been closely linked to the US Dollar since some 90% of Cambodia’s money supply is made up of the U.S. currency, thanks to international assistance, foreign investments and remittances by overseas Cambodians.
4- Poverty alleviation: As the ADB has recently revealed, poverty in this country has worsened over the last ten years (KI, 6 February 2004: “ADB report shows worsening poverty”; KI, 9 February 2004: “Another indication of worsening poverty”). Figures put forward by the Finance Ministry are therefore inaccurate and misleading. Human development indicators, such as increasing mortality rate and illiteracy rate for the Cambodian people over the last ten years, better reflect the evolution of living conditions (KI, 6 January 2004: “Details about mortality and illiteracy rates”).
5- Foreign exchange reserves: Their increase is attributable to international assistance, foreign investments and remittances by overseas Cambodians, while the trade balance is in heavy deficit. [As for tourism, out of 100 spent by a foreign tourist, less than 5 remain in Cambodia].       

2 March 2004

ADB conducts audit of operations in Cambodia (1)
A high level delegation from the Asian Development Bank is visiting Cambodia from 29 February to 4 March 2004. The group includes 5 Executive Directors, who are also Members or Chairperson of the Audit Committee or the Inspection Committee of the Board of Directors: Paul Speltz (USA), Ju Kuilin (China), Pascal Grégoire (Belgium), Sein Tin (Burma), and Stephen Sedgwick (Australia).
According to a spokesman for the Finance Ministry quoted in today’s Rasmei Kampuchea, the objective of the mission is to “examine various ADB-financed projects and assess the opportunity to provide additional loans in the future (...). [There will be an] evaluation of the implementation and utilization of ADB loans in different development projects (...). The 5 Executive Directors represent important votes in any collective decision to provide grants and loans to Cambodia.”
The ADB modus operandi in Cambodia has been recently criticized for its ineffectiveness in reducing poverty (KI, 6 February 2004: “ADB report shows worsening poverty”; KI, 9 February 2004: “Another indication of worsening poverty”; KI, 9 February 2004: “ADB asked to revise development approach”), and its proneness to corruption (KI, 27 October 2003: “ADB engaged in dubious projects”).
In a recent letter published in the Phnom Penh Post (27 February – 12 March 2004), Opposition leader Sam Rainsy told ADB President Tadao Chino: « The ADB is not achieving its poverty reduction targets in Cambodia despite having invested US$775 million here since 1992 (...). 35-to-40 percent of the population continues to live below the poverty line, which shows virtually no progress over the past ten years. Actually, poverty has worsened if we take into account the fact that the “poverty line” has been discretely lowered from a revenue of $1 per day to 50c per day, which is now very close to the “starvation line”. It is time the ADB revised its development approach for Cambodia (...). »

CPP mouthpiece distorts King’s words (1)
The well-known ruling party messenger, Khmer-language newspaper Rasmei Kampuchea, today grossly manipulates a statement by King Norodom Sihanouk dated 1 March 2004. In a huge heading across its front page, Rasmei Kampuchea exclaims, « Samdech Euv [The King] never wanted a three-party government! »   In the text, the article reads, « … H.M. King Norodom Sihanouk said on 1 March that he had never wanted a three-party government. »
The King was seriously mistranslated from French into Khmer, by Rasmei Kampuchea. Actually, he said, « Our strongman of this new era, Samdech [Lord] Hun Sen, is very “strong”, but not “changing”. He has never wanted a three-party RGC [Royal Government of Cambodia] [This sentence was underlined by the King himself]. It is H.E. Sam Rainsy who has wanted, and wants, a three-party RGC. »
The King further explained, « On 5 November 2003, Samdech Hun Sen gracefully adopted King N. Sihanouk’s proposal to accept, in principle, the establishment of a three-party RGC in order to please H.E. Sam Rainsy. »
The King’s statements can be obtained from his website, www.norodomsihanouk.info 

01 March 2004

Chea Vichea’s killers were murdered last month at Hun Sen’s house (4)
The killers of Chea Vichea, the union leader who was gunned down on 22 January 2004, could have been eliminated at a February 7 incident at Hun Sen’s house in Phnom Penh, when two of the prime minister’s bodyguards were mysteriously killed, their bodies immediately cremated, and the police “not allowed to make a report” (The Cambodia Daily, February 10: “Police To Ignore Deaths of 2 Hun Sen Guards”).
To assassinate opponents, the regime resorts to death squads, whose members are in turn killed after fulfilling their mission, so as to eliminate evidence and prevent any possible investigation in the future.

Petitions awaiting Prince Ranariddh (2)
Over the last few months, the ruling CPP has been manipulating some Funcinpec elements in the provinces in order to get petitions from royalist supporters allegedly in favor of a “two-party government”. These petitions will be submitted to Funcinpec President Prince Norodom Ranariddh upon his return to Cambodia scheduled for March 6.
In fact, the vast majority of Funcinpec grassroots members support Prince Ranariddh's current stance in favor of a "three-party government" and prefer to have jobs for themselves and their children rather than to see only a small number of Funcinpec leaders occupying lucrative positions (KI, 27 February 2004: “200 positions versus 2 million jobs”).

National ID: Cambodia versus Thailand (1)
The establishment of the rule of law in any country rests on two basic systems intended to identify the people and the lands. Cambodia has none of the two.
Failure to properly identify (and title) lands was stressed in « “The Mystery of Capital” or the missing knowledge to address persistent poverty » (KI, 26 February 2004).
Serious shortcomings in the identification of people were denounced in « Cambodia’s population has reached 13.8 million » (KI, 16 November 2003), with the following remark: « Donor countries have technically and financially encouraged the government to issue a computerized and standardized “Cambodia Citizen Identification Card” to some 6 million citizens from 18 year-old up. But for political reasons and other reasons linked to corruption, the authorities are dragging their feet: only 2 million cards have been issued over the last eight years. »
Not setting up the two basic systems entails the following consequences for Cambodia:
1- Land grabbing, land disputes, landlessness and increased poverty for the weaker segment of the population;
2- Increased government corruption with ghost soldiers and ghost civil servants; election irregularities with flaws in voter registration procedures; difficulty for the authorities to identify and arrest criminals.
In Thailand, as reported in “The Nation” on 23 February 2004, all citizens have been delivered a national ID for a long time. More strikingly, the country recalls how the project of a “smart card” started 20 years ago. Project head Surachai Srisaracam proudly declares: “All 1,077 offices of the Bureau of Registration Administration throughout the country have been connected via an online network, which allows information about the Thai population [information related to households, people, voters, and marriages and divorces] to be updated in real time (...). [This] allows us to provide ID card registration for people in 15 seconds instead of three months.”  

29 February 2004

Sok Yoeun to attend first political meeting since 1999 (1)
After being released from a prison in Thailand and reunited with his family in Finland since February 27 (KI, 26 February 2004: “Sok Yoeun goes to Finland as a free man”), SRP activist Sok Yoeun will attend a political meeting in Paris next Sunday (March 7). He will elaborate on his detention in Thailand as a "prisoner of conscience" for more than 4 years. The meeting is being organized by supporters of the Alliance of Democrats (Funcinpec + SRP) in France.

27 February 2004

200 positions versus 2 million jobs (2)
On February 25, CPP caretaker prime minister Hun Sen made this offer to Funcinpec: “Join a two-party government with the CPP, and I will give additional positions to Funcinpec officials.” The new positions to be created are: 185 district deputy chiefs, 24 province or municipality deputy governors, and some 20 Cabinet members (ministers or state secretaries), making a total of a little more than 200 honorific and lucrative positions for leaders of the royalist party.
On February 6, at Phnom Penh international airport, Funcinpec president Prince Norodom Ranariddh already addressed this issue, declaring in substance before a crowd of journalists: “I am not interested in 200 positions for Funcinpec officials. But I am interested in 2 million jobs that we must create for the Cambodian people, especially the young, the majority of whom are unemployed. Funcinpec will work with the SRP in a new government to fight against corruption, revive the economy, and create jobs for the Cambodian people in order to reduce poverty.”

26 February 2004

Sok Yoeun goes to Finland as a free man  (2)
As announced previously (KI, 12 February 2004: "Sok Yoeun to be released this month"), Cambodian former opposition activist  Sok Yoeun was released today from his Bangkok prison and immediately left for Finland to be re-united with his family.

Nhek Bun Chhay to betray Funcinpec (3)
General Nhek Bun Chhay, a Funcinpec deputy secretary-general, is to betray his party by publicly supporting a coalition government with the CPP but without the SRP. Yesterday, under the instruction of Prince Norodom Ranariddh, the royalist party issued a statement rejecting the latest offer by CPP prime minister Hun Sen to form a two-party government, where Funcinpec officials would be given more positions and personal privileges.
Over the last few months, Nhek Bun Chhay has been seen very often with pro-CPP businessmen Ly Yong Phat and Say Hak (KI, 25 February 2004: “CPP-affiliated businessmen try to buy Alliance leaders”). During that period of time, he has been – among Funcinpec officials – the most eager to work with Hun Sen. He is likely to hold a press conference tomorrow to justify his defection.

“The Mystery of Capital” or the missing knowledge to address persistent poverty (1)
There is a recent and fundamental book that development experts, donor representatives and Cambodian politicians should read: “The Mystery of Capital”, by Hernando de Soto, published by Bantam Press (UK) in 2000. The book’s central idea is simple but far reaching: Property ownership is the key to ending poverty if we can ensure that, through a proper legal system, the poor can use their property to generate further wealth. The “proper legal system” will turn dead “assets” into active “capital” necessary to foster economic development.
De Soto’s demonstration can be applied word by word to Cambodia’s case: “Any asset whose economic and social aspects are not fixed in a formal property system is extremely hard to move in the market. How can the huge amounts of assets changing hands in a modern market economy be controlled if not through a formal property process? Without such a system, any trade of an asset, say a piece of real estate, requires an enormous effort just to determine the basics of the transaction: does the seller own the real estate and have the right to transfer it? Can he pledge it? Will the new owner be accepted as such by those who enforce property rights? What are the effective means to exclude other claimants? (Page 45).
The above questions raised by the author reflect Cambodian society’s problems (lawlessness, land grabbing, land disputes, landlessness, persistent poverty, social injustice) and investors’ nightmares when they try to acquire any assets in this country. The “proper legal system” or the “formal property process” suggested by De Soto entails the titling of assets. In his comments on “The Mystery of Capital”, Economics Nobel Laureate Milton Friedman said: “Hernando de Soto has demonstrated in practice that titling hitherto untitled assets is an extremely effective way to promote economic development.”  For Cambodia, “proper legal system”, “formal property process” and “titling of assets” mean nothing but land reform. In this former communist country, 80 percent of the land still belong – in theory – to the State. But the land is controlled – in practice – by the ruling CPP, its apparatchiks and their business cronies (KI, 17 October 2003: “Eighty percent of the land belong to the State”; KI, 25 January 2004: “Lame duck government selling off State assets”). This explains why, over the last ten years, the CPP has given no more than lip service – and has continuously fooled foreign donors – when dealing with the issue of land reform.
Without the effective implementation of such a reform, it will be impossible to reduce poverty (KI, 6 February 2004: “ADB report shows worsening poverty”; KI, 9 February 2004: “Another indication of worsening poverty”), which stresses the need for a change in development priorities and strategy (KI, 9 February 2004:  “ADB asked to revise development approach”).

25 February 2004

CPP-affiliated businessmen try to buy Alliance leaders (2)
In their attempt to form a two-party government with Funcinpec, the ruling CPP is trying to buy high-ranking officials from the royalist party. For some of the political targets, the monetary approach is conducted by Ly Yong Phat, a prominent Thai businessman (real name: Phat Suphapha) with a newly bought Cambodian passport. Ly Yong Phat is nicknamed “The King of Koh Kong”, a Cambodian western maritime province bordering Thailand. Ly Yong Phat’s colossal fortune stems from casinos (he controls the gambling industry along the border), land grab and land speculation, smuggling, and possibly drug trafficking. His assets in Australia have been temporarily frozen by the Australian authorities, who suspected his involvement in illegal activities. He is in good terms – having a symbiotic business relationship – with powerful Cambodian officials of Thai descent, such as defense minister Tea Banh, navy commander Tea Vinh, Koh Kong governor Yuth Phouthang, and Sihanoukville governor Say Hak, who happens to be his cousin and a successful businessman like him. The élite in that region has been plundering Cambodia’s natural resources through deforestation and illegal fishing (KI, 5 January 2004: “Anarchy in Sihanoukville”). 

King’s friend denounces Hun Sen’s personality cult (1)
In the latest issue (14-31 January 2004) of the “BMD” published by King Norodom Sihanouk’s private Secretariat, there is a letter from Ruom Ritt, a friend reportedly very close to the King, denouncing in disguised terms Hun Sen’s personality cult. Ruom Ritt notices that “every news presented every hour on State-run TV” in Cambodia is preceded by the opening sentence: “Under the very clever and very clear-sighted leadership of [Prime Minister Hun Sen]”.... According to Ruom Ritt, only Pol Pot did better than Hun Sen in promoting dithyrambic propaganda. 

Inauguration of “La Maison du Cambodge” in Paris (1)
The “Pavillon du Cambodge” in Paris also called “Maison du Cambodge” (Cambodia House) at the “Cité Universitaire” (Paris University Campus), which has been entirely refurbished and recently reopened to students (KI, 13 January 2004: “Reopening of “La Maison du Cambodge” in Paris”), will be officially inaugurated on 4 March 2004. An invitation received by hundreds of former residents, including many Cambodian current leaders, specifies that the ceremony will be hold under the patronage of Paris mayor Bertrand Delanoë.
Refurbishing costs (Euro 9 million or USD 11.4 million) have been entirely financed by the French authorities. Even though the complex has a Cambodian nominal director proposed by the Cambodian embassy in Paris, its management is under the control of the French authorities to avoid problems like in the past.
Built and donated in 1957 by the Cambodian government to the “Cité Internationale Universitaire de Paris”, “La Maison du Cambodge” was a remarkable achievement – outside Cambodia – of the Sangkum Reastr Niyum of then Prince Norodom Sihanouk.

24 February 2004 

King refuses to sign “royal” decree prolonging Senate term (1)
Cambodia’s 61 Senators received only today copies of a “Royal Decree” dated (or backdated) February 17, 2004 and signed by acting head of state (and CPP president) Chea Sim that extends the current term of the Senate for one year. King Norodom Sihanouk could have signed the decree in person. But he had stated his reservations about Cambodia’s “undemocratic, useless and costly” Senate, whose members are not elected by the people but appointed by political parties. The King, therefore, avoided signing the decree and let Chea Sim sign instead.
The King’s decision whether to sign a decree in person is made on a case by case basis, depending on whether he approves the substance of the decree prepared by the government. For border treaties, the King has said that, under the present circumstances, he would not sign – and would not allow Chea Sim to sign – anything on behalf of Cambodia.

18 February 2004

Alliance leaders at the Elysée Palace (2)
Cambodia’s Alliance of Democrats leaders Prince Norodom Ranariddh and Sam Rainsy were seen earlier this week at the Elysée Palace in Paris, where they were received by Jérôme Monod, a top adviser to French Republic President Jacques Chirac.

Elections do not mean democracy and progress (2)
”The idea that you can just hold elections, while everything else remains feudal, medieval, means you won’t get democracy but some perversion of it” (Fareed Zakaria, author of “The Future of Freedom”, quoted in International Herald Tribune, February 17, 2004). Without reforms and with no powerful democracy advocates pushing for their effective implementation, Cambodia will remain a feudalistic and destitute country where donors waste their taxpayers’ money just to maintain a deceitful façade of democracy.

17 February 2004

Alliance leaders at the European Parliament (2)
Cambodia's Alliance of Democrats leaders Prince Norodom Ranariddh and Sam Rainsy went together today to Brussels to visit the European Parliament. They had discussions with MEPs from the three main parliamentary groups: Conservative (EPP), Socialist, and Liberal (ELDR).

16 February 2004

World Bank agrees to create Special Commission with parliamentarians (2)
At the Fifth Annual Conference of the Parliamentary Network on the World Bank that took place this week in Paris (KI, 15 February 2004: “Parliamentarian Tioulong Saumura meets with World Bank president James Wolfensohn”), the World Bank accepted to create a special commission with parliamentarians from aid recipient countries. This commission would allow, for any country, elected representatives of the people to monitor what the World Bank is doing with their government. Parliamentarians insisted on their being involved in the definition and implementation of World Bank-financed development projects in countries where they are denied access to relevant information, and where government secrecy and corruption is a major issue.
Besides, in order to promote transparency and good governance that are needed to alleviate poverty, the concerned parliamentarians suggested that the World Bank push for independent audits – by internationally reputable firms – of institutions, operations and projects where government corruption allegedly causes unnecessary expenses and/or losses of revenue for aid recipient States.

Vanishing revenue from fisheries (1)
This year, the "prohok" (fermented fish) season (from November to February) was very poor, with fish catches falling to a record low for ordinary fishermen/villagers all over the country. Meanwhile, unabated illegal fishing and logging by business groups associated with powerful government officials have caused extensive damages to natural resources and the environment, and have created fear of food shortage for the country (KI, 8 January 2004: “Cambodia heading for famine”). While international experts estimate that “Inland fisheries produce an estimated 200,000-430,000 tons of fish each year with an estimated value of up to USD 500 million”, the corresponding revenue for the State (“Fishing lot fees”) amounted to only USD 1.4 million in 2003 (Source: Ministry of Finance, “State Budget Implementation / January-December 2003”).  

15 February 2004 

Parliamentarian Tioulong Saumura meets with World Bank president James Wolfensohn (1)
Today, after chairing a session of the Fifth Annual Conference of the Parliamentary Network on the World Bank (February 15-16) in Paris, Cambodian national assembly member Tioulong Saumura met with World Bank president James D. Wolfensohn. They discussed a number of initiatives to combat corruption and reduce poverty.

French mayors attend Cambodian opposition meeting in Paris (1)
A meeting of Alliance of Democrats supporters yesterday in Paris was attended by the mayors of two French cities in the eastern suburb of Paris (Marne-La-Vallée), where Cambodians holding French citizenship represent a noticeable minority. The two officials were Mireille Munch, mayor of Ferrières-en-Brie, and Michel Geres, mayor of Croissy-Beaubourg. There will be local/regional elections in France next month. See photos at www.samrainsyparty.org/aspx/PhotoViewer.aspx?dir=alliance_of_democrats/2004/02&prefix=ad_meeting_in_paris&count=2

A Cambodian bulletin from The Netherlands (1)
The # 3 issue (22 pages) of the professionally written fortnightly magazine “The Khmer Nation Bulletin” has just been published. If you want to receive this Holland-based Khmer-language bulletin by email on a regular basis, please contact sophornsar@hotmail.com

14 February 2004

Prince Norodom Ranariddh in Madrid (1)
On February 12-13 Prince Norodom Ranariddh attended the leadership meeting of the Centrist Democrat International (CDI) in Madrid, where he met with Spain’s Prime Minister Jose Maria Aznar and several other world leaders. In a resolution adopted on that occasion, the CDI “urges all Cambodian political parties to fully respect and implement the spirit of the summit meeting of November 5, 2003 under the high patronage of His Majesty Norodom Sihanouk in order to speed up the formation of the new National Assembly and the tripartite royal government within the legal and constitutional framework of the Kingdom of Cambodia.” [Centrist Democrat International, formally Christian Democrat International, is an international grouping of center/right-wing political parties, as opposed to Socialist International].

Prince Norodom Ranariddh and Sam Rainsy in France (1)
Alliance of Democrats’ leaders Prince Norodom Ranariddh and Sam Rainsy are currently in France. They are expected to jointly meet with French and European officials in Paris and Brussels in the next few days.

CPP rejects King-sponsored November 5 agreement (1)
CPP’s mouthpiece Rasmei Kampuchea yesterday denounced the November 5, 2003 agreement signed at the Royal Palace by leaders of CPP, Funcinpec and SRP under the chairmanship of King Norodom Sihanouk. The agreement calls for the formation of a three-party government with Hun Sen (tentatively) as prime minister. In a front page article titled “Tripartite government no longer possible”, Rasmei Kampuchea asserts the November 5 agreement has become "worthless", and calls for the establishment of a CPP-Funcinpec government. Original text in Khmer at http://cambodiapolitics.org/news/r_k/0402_13_r.pdf

13 February 2004 

Social ministries go short of cash (1)
The implementation of the State budget for 2003 shows serious irregularities.
Institutions that overspent their budgets:
- Office of the Prime Minister: 109 %
- Ministry of Interior (Administration): 167 %
- Ministry of Finance: 198 %
- National Election Committee:  826 % (vote buying at last July’s election?)
Institutions that did not reach their spending targets:
- Ministry of Education: 79 %
- Ministry of Health: 59 %
- Ministry of Rural Development: 54 %.
The social Education, Health and Rural Development Ministries were the victims of a sophisticated cash allocation policy that allows corruption and covert financing of pro-CPP activities (KI, 21 December 2003: “How the Finance Ministry fools the IMF”). Such a trend reflecting misallocation of national resources is conducive to an aggravation of poverty (KI, 9 February 2004: “Another indication of worsening poverty”).
(Source: Ministry of Finance, “State Budget Implementation / January-December 2003”).   

Conflicting views on responsibility for political deadlock (1)
 - CPP: We are the winning party, which is entitled to form the new government and lead the country. Even though short of the required two-thirds majority, we control 73 seats out of 123 at the National Assembly. The deadlock is attributable to the other two parties (Funcinpec and SRP), which put forward unacceptable conditions for joining a coalition government with us. Losing parties (representing the minority) cannot and must not dictate their views to the winning party (representing the majority). This would be totally undemocratic.
- Alliance of Democrats: We wish to engage in a sincere and constructive dialogue with the CPP in order to form a three-party coalition government. According to democratic practices (e.g. SPD and the Green Party in Germany), we insist on first negotiating a program for the new government that would include proposals from all the cooperating parties. But the CPP refuses such a formula and approach. Being constitutionally unable to form a government on its own, the CPP is trying – behind its proclaimed preference for a two-party government – to divide the now united democratic forces.

Appeal to donor countries to support new elections (1)
Earlier this week, Alliance leaders Prince Norodom Ranariddh and Sam Rainsy jointly signed letters to presidents or prime ministers of major donor countries drawing their attention to “the impossibility of forming any [new, legal] government on the basis of the results of the 27 July 2003 elections.” To solve the deadlock, they point to “the opinion of His Majesty King Norodom Sihanouk, who said in a statement on 11 January 2004 that it would be legitimate and logical to call for new elections in the framework of our parliamentary system.” They launch the following appeal: “[The necessity and prospect of new elections mean that] Cambodia will need the support of all her friends in order not to deviate from the process of consolidating democracy that should go hand in hand with her economic and social development.”

12 February 2004

Cash-strapped caretaker government gets vital budget support (1)
After last July’s elections, i.e. over the last few months of 2003, the increasingly cash-strapped Phnom Penh caretaker government has received a vital budget support from the World Bank, Japan, and – for the first time – the Asian Development Bank.
In December the World Bank provided USD 16 million in the form of a loan. From August to December Japan gave USD 13 million (grant). In November the ADB disbursed USD 6 million (loan).
Budget support, which is intended to cover government budget deficit, is a most lenient form of assistance (“easy money”) that the government can use on its own initiative with virtually no monitoring, contrary to Project aid that is intended to finance specific investment projects. In 2003, total Budget support (USD 35 million) covered more than 50 percent of the salaries for all the armed forces (USD 66 million), including ghost soldiers.
(Source: Ministry of Finance, “State Budget Implementation / January-December 2003”).

World Bank asked to stop budget support for illegitimate government (1)
In a February 11 letter to World Bank president James Wolfensohn, Alliance leaders Prince Norodom Ranariddh and Sam Rainsy wrote: « We urge the World Bank to (...) put on hold any loan agreement requiring the National Assembly’s approval (Article 90 of the Constitution), and cease the budget support the Bank has been providing to the current illegitimate government that operates without the scrutiny of the elected representatives of the people. This controversial budget support amounted to USD 16 million in December 2003. »
The World Bank is advised « to take into account the views of His Majesty King Norodom Sihanouk that the current Phnom Penh government is “illegal and unconstitutional” (Royal Statement dated 14 December 2003), and that “treaties and agreements [with Cambodia], to be valid, must be ratified by the new National Assembly [that is still not functioning]” (Royal Statement dated 28 October 2003). » Final remark: « International financial institutions are expected to uphold the rule of law, which is the basis of good governance that is necessary for poverty reduction. »

French judge gets involved in investigation into a terrorist attack in Phnom Penh (1)
Earlier this month, Cambodia’s Justice and Interior Ministries received from French judge Baudoin Thouvenot, “Juge d’Instruction au Tribunal de Grande Instance de Paris”, an International Letters Rogatory, in which “the help of the Cambodian authorities is requested, with offers of reciprocity”, to carry out a number of tasks related to the investigation into a 1997 grenade attack in Phnom Penh. In the Statement of facts, the investigating judge refers to a 2000 complaint lodged by [Cambodian French] Sam Rainsy for assassination attempt, following a grenade attack on a peaceful demonstration in front of the Cambodian national assembly. The incident caused at least 16 dead and more than100 wounded.

Sok Yoeun to be released this month (2)
Cambodian former opposition activist Sok Yoeun, 64, is expected to be released from his Bangkok prison on February 26 (KI, 31 January 2004: “Hun Sen bowed to Thai government decision to release Sok Yoeun”). He is expected to leave Thailand shortly after for Finland to be reunited with his family. His wife, three children and a grand child were resettled there several years ago. 14 other members of his family from Battambang province (Northwest of Cambodia) have been granted political refugee status by the UNHCR in Thailand, and will probably leave at the same time as him for Finland. Sok Yoeun has spent more than 4 years in jail in Thailand pending an extradition demand from the Hun Sen government. After Amnesty International declared him a "prisoner of conscience" in 2002, he has received some 2,800 letters of sympathy from all over the world.

10 February 2004

Western hostages’ kidnapper is dying (2)
According to today’s Koh Santepheap, Chhouk Rin, the Khmer Rouge commander accused of kidnapping three western hostages who were subsequently assassinated in 1994, is dying of diabetes, malaria, hepatitis C, and other ailments. Because his politically embarrassing trial is not over yet, his timely death will be suspicious since his health has dramatically deteriorated after he was “treated” last year at Calmette hospital, where some CPP doctors are allegedly linked to a number of suspicious deaths (KI, 15 December 2002: “Dr Heng Tay Kry may be the future Health Minister”).

Alliance resolution reduces CPP’s hope for a two-party government (2)
Yesterday, 49 (out of 50) National Assembly members from Funcinpec and SRP signed a resolution reaffirming the Alliance of Democrats’ stance for a three-party government and supporting Prince Norodom Ranariddh’s leadership “in solving the current political crisis”. The point saying “any attempt to cause internal rift within [our] two parties will be futile”, is a clear message to the CPP, which has been trying to break the Alliance and convince Funcinpec to form a two-party government as during the first two terms of the National Assembly (1993-2003).    

9 February 2004

Another indication of worsening poverty (1)
There are several ways of measuring poverty. Besides GDP per capita calculated using purchasing power parity rates of exchange (KI, 6 February 2004: “ADB report shows worsening poverty”), there is the percentage of population below poverty line. In a recent ten-year review published by its Cambodia Resident Mission, the Asian Development Bank acknowledges that an estimated 35-40 percent of the population continues to live below the poverty line, which represents virtually no progress over the past ten years. Actually, poverty has worsened given the fact that poverty line for this country has been discretely lowered from a revenue of USD 1.00 per day to USD 0.50 per day (KI, 12 December 2002: “Poverty line or starvation line?”).

ADB asked to revise development approach (1) 
Because “the ADB is not achieving its poverty reduction targets in Cambodia despite having invested USD 775 million here since 1992”, opposition leader Sam Rainsy – in a today’s letter to ADB President Tadao Chino –  questions the ADB approach to promoting development.
“It is time for the ADB to revise its development approach for Cambodia. Over the past ten years, it has produced impressive expert reports and statements of good intention. But the ADB has addressed none of the fundamental problems facing this country:
- Rampant corruption that every year deprives the State of a revenue amount higher than that of international assistance the country receives annually.
- Tragic and unabated deforestation that repeatedly causes devastating ecological disasters (floods, droughts, storms), and deprives rural communities of their traditional livelihoods.
- A feudalistic type of land distribution in a country where 80 percent of the land is, in theory, still owned by the State. In fact, it is controlled by a small and exclusive group of officials of the ruling party and their business cronies, resulting in an increasing number of landless farmers.”

8 February 2004

FBI holds key to lawsuits with far-reaching implications (2)
Opposition leader Sam Rainsy issued today a statement titled “Only the FBI can stop perversion of justice in Cambodia”, in which he points to the political implications of lawsuits that he and prime minister Hun Sen has filed against each other (KI, 7 February 2004: “Hun Sen’s panic reaction to possible revival of FBI investigation into grenade attack”).
Among several questions, the statement asks whether Chhay Vee is still alive. Chhay Vee is “one of the main suspects, who was shown on [television] making confessions [implicating Sam Rainsy in the 1997 grenade attack] in 1998 (...). He was last seen [in November 1998] when he was in custody of the authority, and taken to Mr Hun Sen’s senior adviser Om Yen Tieng’s house, from where he gave his confessions (...). As reported in today’s edition of CPP’s mouthpiece Rasmei Kampuchea, the ruling party now claims that the FBI has included Chhay Vee’s confessions in its “final report” because they are “valid and conclusive”. The newspaper’s editorial suggests that because of [the opposition leader’s] involvement in an alleged plan to pervert justice, it will be difficult to include the Sam Rainsy Party in any future government.”

Who killed Frenchman Eric Ambroise in 1997? (3)
On 2 April 1997, Eric Ambroise, a French restaurant owner was killed in Phnom Penh by unknown assailants in the same manner as in recent political assassinations in Cambodia. No one has been arrested. According to a witness report that has just been published, Eric Ambroise was killed by a “terrorist squad” because he was a crucial eye-witness of a well planned terrorist attack on 30 March 1997, as explained at www.cambodiapolitics.org/doc_30_march_1997/terrorist_squad.pdf

7 February 2004

Hun Sen’s panic reaction to possible revival of FBI investigation into grenade attack (2)
CPP Prime Minister Hun Sen has vigorously reacted to the criminal lawsuit that opposition leader Sam Rainsy filed earlier this week against him for assassination attempt at a grenade attack in Phnom Penh on 30 March 1997 (KI, 31 January 2004: “Sam Rainsy sues Hun Sen”). Hun Sen ordered all CPP-controlled stations (KI, 5 February 2004: “CPP monopoly on television broadcasting”) to simultaneously broadcast a five-year old CPP-produced documentary for three days in a row (February 5-6-7). The documentary featured a November 1998 interview with two possible witnesses/suspects, Chhay Vee and Chum Bun Thoeun, who alleged they were involved in a Sam Rainsy-organized plot to blame the attack on Hun Sen’s bodyguards. Sam Rainsy claimed Chhay Vee and Chum Bun Thoeun had earlier (in June 1998) testified to the FBI in Bangkok that they were involved in the attack, but they recanted after they were arrested on returning to Cambodia.
In today’s pro-CPP newspaper Koh Santepheap, an anonymous government official accused Sam Rainsy of being the mastermind of the attack by paying terrorists $ 10,000 to commit the crime.
Interesting detail: Chhay Vee’s features strikingly match the FBI sketch of one of the prime suspects. For more information on the 1997 grenade attack: www.cambodiapolitics.org

Revenue from garment quotas reaches a record high (1)
Latest figures from the Finance Ministry show that for the whole year 2003, State revenue from “Quota and Export License” reached a record high of  USD 36.5 million (versus 26.6 million in 2002). This garment-related item represents now the most important non tax revenue for the State budget, exceeding for the first time revenue from “Post and Telecommunication” amounting to USD 28.6 million (versus 30.5 million in 2002).
Garment quota allocation results in a huge government corruption, with the Commerce Ministry selling US-granted Cambodian quotas to foreign-based textile companies. Cambodian customs statistics for garment exports to the U.S. do not match U.S. trade statistics for garment imports from Cambodia. Furthermore, in spite of window-dressing practices, Cambodia's garment production capacity doesn't match (is lower than) the total volume of what is registered by the authorities of all importing countries (mainly USA and EU) as garment imports "from Cambodia". 

Vanishing forest revenue (1)
Even though deforestation continued unabated in 2003, forest revenue collected by the State in the last fiscal year dropped to a record low of USD 1.7 million. According to most experts, the value of timber illegally cut every year exceeds USD 100 million.     

6 February 2004 

ADB report shows worsening poverty (2)
According to a to-be-published report by the Asian Development Bank, poverty in Cambodia has worsened over the past ten years, if figures for GDP per capita are calculated on the basis of purchasing power parity (PPP) rates of exchange.
[To compare economic statistics across countries, the data must first be converted into a common currency. Unlike conventional exchange rates, PPP rates of exchange allow this conversion to take account of price differences between countries. By eliminating differences in national price levels, the method aids comparisons of real values for income, poverty, inequality and expenditure patterns].
The above finding is corroborated by many independent observers, who are struck by the deterioration in the living conditions of most Cambodians in the countryside over the last decade, as a result of land problem, ecological disasters, unemployment, and poor public and social services.

Hun Sen’s double standards in filing defamation lawsuits (2)
Last month, prime minister Hun Sen filed a defamation lawsuit at the Phnom Penh municipal court against opposition leader Sam Rainsy, who has accused him of being behind the killing of union leader Chea Vichea on January 22, while planning the assassination of other political opponents. To justify his decision to sue Sam Rainsy, Hun Sen says he wants to defend his honor.
In 1999, the French magazine L’Express – reflecting the conviction of many Cambodians – accused Hun Sen’s wife Bun Rany of being behind the killing of popular actress Piseth Pilika, following an alleged affair between her husband and Pilika. But Mr. and Mrs. Hun Sen have never tried to defend their honor by filing a defamation lawsuit against the Paris-based L’Express. They probably fear to lose their case before the French court, which does not share the same standards of justice as the Cambodian court.
On 10 May 1999, Piseth Pilika wrote her last words in a personal diary: “I met with Hok Lundy [Director-General of the Police, who happened to be a common friend] at Kien Svay, at a restaurant in a quiet place. He told me to go and hide somewhere for a while because Mrs. Bun Rany Hun Sen was very angry against me and was plotting to kill me.” Piseth Pilika was gunned down on 6 July 1999 (KI, 10 December 2002: “Piseth Pilika’s diary circulates on the sly”; 27 November 2002: “Bun Rany as decisive as her husband”; 3 November 2002: “Website to keep alive the memory of Piseth Pilika”). 
For more information: http://pisethpilika.free.fr

5 February 2004

King points to illegality and unconstitutionality of Hun Sen government (1)
King Norodom Sihanouk has, in the past few months, given a number of clear indications that the current Phnom Penh government is not legitimate. Excerpts from recent royal statements:
- 30 October 2003: "The current Hun Sen government will continue working, but without being legal and constitutional."
- 2 December 2003: "Our « democracy » [cannot really function] without legal and constitutional National Assembly and Government."
- 18 December 2003: "The Second Kingdom [of Cambodia] is strange for not having a National Assembly with a president, and a government that is legal and constitutional."         

Alliance warns investors and donor countries(1)
In a today's statement titled "Caretaker government has no legitimacy to commit Cambodia", the  Alliance of Democrats “asks that foreign investors refrain from signing, amending or renewing dubious contracts with the current Phnom Penh government. Similarly, it is neither wise nor legal for donor countries and international financial institutions to sign any agreements with the unconstitutional government. [Without a functioning National Assembly, the interim government] cannot legally commit Cambodia into any long term arrangement that the duly elected representatives of the Cambodian people have yet to scrutinize and approve.” Donor countries and international financial institutions are reminded that they “are supposed to uphold the rule of law, which is the basis of good governance that is necessary for [effective] poverty reduction. Finally, “all pending agreements with the caretaker government [must] be put on hold. Some delay is preferable to rushing into [possible] shady dealings with far-reaching implications.”