KHMER INTELLIGENCE
Khmer
Intelligence (KI) is a non-government organisation whose objective is to collect
sensitive information from non-easily accessible sources to help Khmer and
foreign observers better follow and understand the situation in Cambodia.
KI finds out what is behind the latest
news and news to come. For
security reasons KI must preserve anonymity for its informants. Information is
classified according to five levels of reliability:
Official or Semi-Official (1), Very
Reliable (2), Reliable (3), Insistent
Rumour (4), Rumour (5).
News compiled by KI are posted on www.khmerintelligence.org
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soon as they are posted on KI website.
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3rd Quarter 2002 4th Quarter 2002 1st Quarter 2003 2nd Quarter 2003 3rd Quarter 2003 4th Quarter 2003 1st Quarter 2004 2nd Quarter 2004 3rd Quarter 2004 4th Quarter 2004 1st Quarter 2005 2nd Quarter 2005 3rd Quarter 2005
30
September 2002
Funcinpec splits into three factions
(1)
There are presently three factions
within the disintegrating Funcinpec royalist party presided over by Prince
Norodom Ranariddh:
1-
The “courtesans” who present themselves as unconditional supporters
of Ranariddh and are in fact divided in two sub-groups: those who have no other
choice than blindly following Ranariddh (e.g. Khek Vandy, the husband of
Ranariddh’s sister Princess Norodom Bopha Devi), and those who are receiving
instructions from the CPP in order to manipulate Ranariddh from within (You
Hockry and his clan).
2-
The “new allies” who actively contributed to the abolition of the Monarchy
in 1970 under the Lon Nol regime (Khy Taing Lim, Kol Pheng, Pok Than) and who,
as opportunist politicians, will eventually defect to the CPP with which they
have already developed a close cooperation.
3-
The “resistants” who led the military fight against the
Vietnamese occupying army and the Hun Sen communist regime in the 80’s (Nhek
Bun Chhay, Khan Savoeun, Kieng Vang) and who do not want Funcinpec to be
associated any longer with the CPP. This group will likely join the Sam Rainsy
Party before the 2003 parliamentary election.
In the newly
publicized list of five nominees for the National Election Committee (NEC)
selected by the Ministry of Interior, there are two persons who originate from
Funcinpec versus three who are former CPP members. But the two from Funcinpec also
enjoy the support of the CPP since they belong to Funcinpec’s first faction (Ngor
Chhay Lieng, a close aide to You Hockry) and second faction (Sun Chum Bo chosen
by Kol Pheng in her capacity as representative of an obscure NGO). Therefore
the new NEC will be made up exclusively of pro-CPP elements, which bodes ill for
the freedom and fairness of the forthcoming election.
29 September 2002
Opposition
to Hun Sen gets stronger within the CPP (2)
A meeting about a week ago of the Permanent Committee (formally Politburo) of
the CPP revised a top leadership reshuffle scheme agreed upon last August (KI,
22 August 2002). Hun Sen is facing stronger opposition from his peers and is no
longer assured to be the CPP nominee for the position of Prime Minister for the
July 2003 parliamentary election.
After the retirement of Chea Sim early next year, Hun Sen (currently
Vice-President) will take over as CPP President, Say Chhum (currently Secretary
General) will be Vice-President, and Sar Kheng will be Secretary General. But
the majority of the Permanent Committee members favor Say Chhum as candidate for
the premiership. Hun Sen, who wants to remain Prime Minister at all costs, has
lost a battle but has not lost the war sustaining his ambition. The outcome of
the war will depend on several factors:
- The
position of Vietnam, which seems to be not happy with Cambodia moving closer and
closer to China but which is also concerned by the possibility of the CPP
getting weaker and losing control of the situation in Cambodia because of
internal divisions.
- The possibility for Hun Sen to physically threaten or
eliminate his rivals.
-
The personal image of Hun Sen, which may deteriorate as a consequence of
the exposure, before the forthcoming election, of past scandals or crimes
showing the involvement of the Prime Minister (1997 grenade attack, murder of
Piseth Pilika).
- The
ultimate strength of the Sam Rainsy Party, whose President has declared his
categorical refusal to join any government led by Hun Sen, which could lead to a
political stalemate if the SRP gets 37 parliamentary seats or over in the future
National Assembly (the quorum is 87 parliamentarians out of 123).
On the basis of the above factors, the CPP will reassess the situation in
February 2003 and its broader-based Central Committee will choose the party’s
final candidate for the premiership.
27
September 2002
More about the King’s possible
abdication (2)
Today another source from the Royal Palace confirmed that King Norodom Sihanouk
has effectively prepared an abdication letter. Another reason behind the
King’s decision to write this letter (KI, 25 September 2002) is related to the
succession issue. As a responsible monarch, the King wants the issue to be
addressed while he is still alive in order to ensure a smooth transition and the
preservation of the monarchical institution after his death.
Prime Minister Hun Sen, whose Cambodian People’s Party controls the Throne
Council that will elect the successor to the present King immediately after his
demise, does not want the issue to be raised now because he wants to pose
himself as a prospective kingmaker in order to intrigue with some members of the
royal family to serve his present political interests. He approaches the
interested royals separately and promises the throne to each of them. Prince
Norodom Ranariddh was the first to swallow the bait. The King is not amused by
this kind of intrigue that makes some royals lose their dignity and will
devaluate the monarchy to the point of jeopardizing the survival of the
institution after his death. He was disappointed by the refusal, a few months
ago, by the National Assembly presided over by Prince Norodom Ranariddh acting
under the instructions of Hun Sen, to examine a draft law submitted by
opposition parliamentarian Son Chhay aimed at clarifying the succession rules
and making the succession process more transparent and more predictable.
The King’s abdication letter (or the only fact that one knows that such a
letter has been written and can be published anytime) may be a means to force
Hun Sen to accept that the succession issue be immediately addressed.
Prince Sirivudh draws little
attention in the US (1)
Funcinpec Secretary General Prince Norodom Sirivudh, who has been visiting the
US for more than a week as a representative of Funcinpec President Prince
Norodom Ranariddh, has received at best a lukewarm welcome from Cambodian
Americans, who apparently show less and less interest for the royalist party. In
Long Beach (California), organizers expected some 300 people at a reception in
his honor. Only 100 showed up, expressing more curiosity than enthusiasm. Prince
Sirivudh’s image has dramatically deteriorated over the last two years. He is
broadly perceived now as a weak and incompetent leader, being unable to distance
himself from Prince Ranariddh and to help stop the disintegration of Funcinpec.
25
September 2002
King may abdicate
(3)
King Norodom Sihanouk a few days ago wrote an abdication letter that could be
made public anytime. The King is very angry with Prime Minister Hun Sen who has
severely reprimanded the monarch following a royal message from Beijing dated 11
August 2002 in which the King indirectly but vehemently criticized the
government for massive deforestation leading to floods and droughts, prevailing
lawlessness, economic disaster, deteriorating living conditions for farmers who
more and more often have turned into beggars. In another statement from Beijing
dated 14 September 2002 (KI, 24 September 2002), the King briefly evoked the
possibility of his abdication.
A major constitutional crisis is looming.
24 September 2002
Prince Ranariddh deeply depressed (1)
Funcinpec President Prince Norodom Ranariddh is presently
deeply depressed by developments in his party, which seems to be disintegrating.
He was particularly shocked by the message of his father the King issued on
September 14, the very day Funcinpec leaders started a 2-day “strategic
meeting” in Sihanoukville. In his message (in French), the King emphasizes a
crucial point, which just demolishes the very foundations of the royalist party:
“Certain persons say that Funcinpec still belongs to me because I am its
‘Papa’ who has created it”, the King writes. The rest of the King’s
message can be summarized in one sentence: “I have nothing to do now and
don’t want to be associated in any way with this party”. The King very
appropriately chose his words and the timing for uttering them loudly. His
message was a real slap on Ranariddh’s face. The King is worried that the
collapse of Funcinpec would lead to the end of the monarchy because Prince
Ranariddh, who extensively uses the name of the King for his personal benefit to
cover his weaknesses and corruption, fatally discredits the monarchy with his
poor leadership and increasingly bad image.
Prince Ranariddh did not attend the first day of the Sihanoukville meeting,
pretending to suffer from an eye infection. He came only on the second day, when
many participants, including his most vocal critics, had already left.
Nhek Bun Chhay in a difficult
position (2)
Funcinpec Deputy Secretary General Nhek Bun Chhay is in a difficult position
within his party following accusations that he entertains good relationship with
opposition leader Sam Rainsy, whom he reportedly last met in secret in Thailand
last weekend. It is not sure now whether Prince Ranariddh would maintain him as
Funcinpec top-of-the-list candidate for Battambang province. He may even lose
his other positions as Funcinpec Deputy Secretary General and Second
Vice-President of the Senate. CPP Prime Minister Hun Sen is very worried about
the possibility of Nhek Bun Chhay joining Sam Rainsy. This would precipitate the
fall of Funcinpec and provide a tremendous boost to the Sam Rainsy Party. Hun
Sen is considering re-utilizing or reviving a plot he fabricated in
September1998 in Siem Reap province in the form of an assassination attempt on
him, to accuse Nhek Bun Chhay of being involved in a terrorist act. Sam Rainsy
Party activist Sok Yoeun is also allegedly involved in the plot (KI, 22
September 2002). In a confession that Sok Yoeun was forced to read in October 1999 (in a hotel room in Bangkok under the threat of an agent working for the CPP),
there is a reference to some (Funcinpec) army generals who allegedly
masterminded the assassination attempt, along with Sam Rainsy. Hun Sen and the
tribunal under his orders could specify now that one of those generals was Nhek
Bun Chhay. This would be a very timely and very Machiavellian accusation that
could kill several innocent people with one stone.
22 September 2002
Sok
Yoeun's life threatened in Thai prison (3)
According to a human
rights organization based in Thailand, Sok Yoeun, the Cambodian fugitive accused
by Hun Sen of having attempted to assassinate the Prime Minister in 1998 and
detained in a Thai prison pending the result of a lawsuit initiated by the Phnom
Penh government aiming at the extradition of the fugitive, could be assassinated
in prison. Sok Yoeun, who has been declared a prisoner of conscience by Amnesty
International, has been granted political asylum status by the UNHCR in
Bangkok and his whole family have been resettled in Finland. The Sok
Yoeun’s case has been apparently fabricated by Hun Sen with the intention to arrest Sam Rainsy
and other opposition leaders, since Sok Yoeun was a SRP activist. The Thai
government is embarrassed by this case because they are torn between two
conflicting considerations: On the one hand, allow Sok Yoeun to join his family
in Finland following requests from many human rights organizations and foreign
governments, and on the other hand, please or appease Hun Sen who would lose
face if Sok Yoeun is recognized as innocent and allowed to leave for a third
country. Unable or unwilling to make a decision with far-reaching political and
diplomatic repercussions, the Thai government can only buy time by making the
lawsuit drag on. They would appeal any verdict by the Criminal
Court in Bangkok declaring Sok Yoeun innocent. The situation is complicated by the fact that Sok Yoeun is old
with a poor health and can die prematurely in prison. But Sok Yoeun’s
premature death can be convenient by allowing the Thai government to avoid making
any embarrassing decision, especially jeopardizing their relationship with the
Cambodian government.
In this disturbing context, there have been recent revelations by the press that
in 1998 Prime Minister Hun Sen asked his Thai counterpart Chuan Leekpai to help
organize the “disappearance” of some senior Khmer Rouge leaders whose trial
before an international tribunal would cause serious embarrassment for the
Cambodian government and possibly for other governments too. Back to Sok Yoeun
now, it is possible that, at a lower level, officials from the Hun Sen
government have approached some officials from the Thai government to help
organize the “disappearance” of the Cambodian detainee. The above-mentioned
Thai human rights organization is in possession of clues showing that Sok Yoeun
can effectively be assassinated (for instance poisoned) in jail.
The UNHCR offices in Bangkok and Phnom Penh have been alerted.
21
September 2002
12
September 2002
Pen
Sovann's book likely to have a big impact (1)
Former Prime Minister Pen Sovann of the People’s Republic of Kampuchea who led
the Vietnamese-backed forces which toppled the Pol Pot regime in 1979 and who
was subsequently detained for ten years in a prison in Hanoi on the charge of
"treason", has just published his first book entitled "Short
Biography and the National Cause of Cambodia”. The book written in
Khmer language was printed in Seattle (USA), where Pen Sovann spent several
months during the last two years, and is being brought into Cambodia.
The book is likely to have a big impact on Cambodian politics because it reveals
many aspects of the early years of the CPP regime. In particular, it depicts the
iron fist of the Vietnamese occupying forces and the subservient and mean role
played by a certain Hun Sen, who was picked by Pen Sovann to serve as Minister
of Foreign Affairs. As Hun Sen’s former boss, Pen Sovann is well placed to
expose facts which tend to discredit the current Prime Minister. Pen Sovann
asserts that the young and ambitious Hun Sen always wanted to please the
Vietnamese to the detriment of Cambodia’s national interest, for instance by
approving the seizure of portions of Cambodian territory and the plunder of
Cambodia’s riches by the Vietnamese, while insisting on allowing a massive
Vietnamese immigration into Cambodia. On 2 December 1981, it was Hun Sen (and
another member of the CPP Politburo Say Phou Thang) who led a group of
Vietnamese soldiers to arrest Pen Sovann at his house. It was Hun Sen who read
to Pen Sovann the sentence pronounced by the Politburo: “(…) The Politburo
of the Cambodian Revolutionary People’s Party decided to dismiss comrade
Pen Sovann from all his positions and to send him to a detention centre in Hanoi
(…).”
More importantly for the forthcoming legislative election in 2003, Pen Sovann
can weaken the CPP’s propaganda centred around the liberation of the Cambodian
people from Pol Pot on the glorious day of 7 January 1979. In his capacity as
the country’s top leader at that time cumulating the positions of Secretary
General of what was the equivalent of a Communist Party, Prime Minister, and
Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, Pen Sovann is the best placed politician
to legitimately claim the credit for the historic event of 7 January 1979. With
a skilful campaign, he can divide the CPP votes, and can indirectly favour the
Sam Rainsy Party. The CPP has always been worried by the possibility of Pen
Sovann joining Sam Rainsy. In his book, Pen Sovann reveals that the CPP, which
had appointed him as an adviser for Takeo province upon his return from Vietnam
in 1992, dismissed him from that position on 10 November 1995 and virtually
expelled him from the party because they (groundlessly) accused him of joining
the Khmer Nation Party formed on 9 November 1995 under the leadership of Sam
Rainsy. A few months before the last legislative election in1998 the Khmer
Nation Party became the Sam Rainsy Party, which is now the sole opposition party
in Parliament. In Pen Sovann’s book, there is a chapter entitled
“Establishment of a friendly relationship with the opposition party in order
to truly respect the will of the people.” Pen Sovann expresses his gratitude
to Sam Rainsy for making all arrangements and providing all facilities allowing
him to make his first visit to the USA in August 2000. The two politicians
continue to entertain a good relationship, but there is no hint of an alliance
yet.
26 August 2002
Hun
Sen constantly informs Ranariddh about Funcinpec dissidents' movements (2)
Thanks to Hun Sen's secret police which keeps a close watch on all suspicious
politicians, Funcinpec President Prince Norodom Ranariddh is being kept
constantly informed about any movements by Funcinpec dissidents. After a phone
conversation with Hun Sen last week, Ranariddh decided to fire Interior
Secretary of State Kieng Vang, Senator Kem Sokha and National Assembly Member
Keo Remy because they met in secret with opposition leader Sam Rainsy. The
firings have not taken place yet because of a strong opposition from Funcinpec
Secretary General Prince Norodom Sirivudh and Deputy Secretary General Nhek Bun
Chhay.
24 August 2002
Ranariddh
not welcome in Washington (2)
Funcinpec President Prince Norodom Ranariddh, who has asked to meet with
several Congressmen during his visit to the US next month, has been informed
that he would not be welcome on Capitol Hill by those who used to support him.
He is now perceived as being too subservient to CPP Prime Minister Hun Sen and
seems to have lost his democratic and leadership credentials in the eyes of many
US Congressmen who care about Cambodia.
Mary Robinson urges Funcinpec
and CPP leaders not to expel parliamentarians (1)
During her visit to Cambodia earlier this week, UN High Commissioner for Human
Rights Mary Robinson raised various issues with Cambodian leaders. One among the
least publicized issues is related to the expulsion of parliamentarians at the
initiative of their respective political parties (Funcinpec with Sam Rainsy in
1995, CPP with four senators earlier this year). Robinson is particularly aware
of the case of Funcinpec Assembly member Keo Remy who can face expulsion because
of his critical views about the leadership of Prince Norodom Ranariddh.
22 August 2002
Say Chhum will replace Chea Sim as
CPP President (2)
CPP top leaders are on the verge of reaching a power-sharing agreement whereby
Say Chhum (presently Secretary General) will replace current President Chea Sim,
who will soon retire for health reasons. In exchange for the party chairmanship
going to Say Chhum according to Chea Sim’s wish, party Vice-President Hun Sen
will be nominated CPP candidate for Prime Minister for the upcoming legislative
election scheduled for July 2003.
King
urges Prince Sirivudh to leave Funcinpec
(2)
King Norodom Sihanouk has recently urged his half-brother Prince Norodom
Sirivudh to leave his position as Funcinpec Secretary General and to come to
work at the Royal Palace to help do the monarch’s everyday work.
Sam
Rainsy Party (SRP) heading for trouble
(2)
At a recent meeting of the Council of Ministers, Prime Minister Hun Sen
predicted that the SRP would be in serious trouble in September this year due to
internal dissensions leading to a split.
Hun
Sen buys a property in the USA
(3)
Earlier this year Prime Minister Hun Sen bought a
property at Long Island in the US State of New York. He plans to visit his newly
acquired property during his next visit to the USA scheduled for November this
year.
French
group Vinci considers withdrawing from Cambodia
(3)
Evoking a breach of contract by the Cambodian government, French largest
construction group Vinci in charge of the extension/modernization of Phnom Penh
and Siem Reap international airports, is considering a plan to withdraw from
Cambodia. A Malaysian group (Muhibbah) and a Thai group (Bangkok Airways) are
competing to replace the French.
3rd Quarter 2002 4th Quarter 2002 1st Quarter 2003 2nd Quarter 2003 3rd Quarter 2003 4th Quarter 2003 1st Quarter 2004 2nd Quarter 2004 3rd Quarter 2004 4th Quarter 2004 1st Quarter 2005 2nd Quarter 2005 3rd Quarter 2005