BEHIND KING NORODOM SIHANOUK’S ABDICATION

 

24 September 2002

Prince Ranariddh deeply depressed (1)
Funcinpec President Prince Norodom Ranariddh is presently deeply depressed by developments in his party, which seems to be disintegrating. He was particularly shocked by the message of his father the King issued on September 14, the very day Funcinpec leaders started a 2-day “strategic meeting” in Sihanoukville. In his message (in French), the King emphasizes a crucial point, which just demolishes the very foundations of the royalist party: “Certain persons say that Funcinpec still belongs to me because I am its ‘Papa’ who has created it”, the King writes. The rest of the King’s message can be summarized in one sentence: “I have nothing to do now and don’t want to be associated in any way with this party”. The King very appropriately chose his words and the timing for uttering them loudly. His message was a real slap on Ranariddh’s face. The King is worried that the collapse of Funcinpec would lead to the end of the monarchy because Prince Ranariddh, who extensively uses the name of the King for his personal benefit to cover his weaknesses and corruption, fatally discredits the monarchy with his poor leadership and increasingly bad image.

25 September 2002

King may abdicate (3)
King Norodom Sihanouk a few days ago wrote an abdication letter that could be made public anytime. The King is very angry with Prime Minister Hun Sen who has severely reprimanded the monarch following a royal message from Beijing dated 11 August 2002 in which the King indirectly but vehemently criticized the government for massive deforestation leading to floods and droughts, prevailing lawlessness, economic disaster, deteriorating living conditions for farmers who more and more often have turned into beggars. In another statement from Beijing dated 14 September 2002 (KI, 24 September 2002: “Prince Ranariddh deeply depressed”), the King briefly evoked the possibility of his abdication. A major constitutional crisis is looming.

27 September 2002

More about the King’s possible abdication (2)
Today another source from the Royal Palace confirmed that King Norodom Sihanouk has effectively prepared an abdication letter. Another reason behind the King’s decision to write this letter (KI, 25 September 2002) is related to the succession issue. As a responsible monarch, the King wants the issue to be addressed while he is still alive in order to ensure a smooth transition and the preservation of the monarchical institution after his death.
Prime Minister Hun Sen, whose Cambodian People’s Party controls the Throne Council that will elect the successor to the present King immediately after his demise, does not want the issue to be raised now because he wants to pose himself as a prospective kingmaker in order to intrigue with some members of the royal family to serve his present political interests. He approaches the interested royals separately and promises the throne to each of them. Prince Norodom Ranariddh was the first to swallow the bait. The King is not amused by this kind of intrigue that makes some royals lose their dignity and will devaluate the monarchy to the point of jeopardizing the survival of the institution after his death. He was disappointed by the refusal, a few months ago, by the National Assembly presided over by Prince Norodom Ranariddh acting under the instructions of Hun Sen, to examine a draft law submitted by opposition parliamentarian Son Chhay aimed at clarifying the succession rules and making the succession process more transparent and more predictable.
The King’s abdication letter (or the only fact that one knows that such a letter has been written and can be published anytime) may be a means to force Hun Sen to accept that the succession issue be immediately addressed.

01 October 2002

King really means abdication (2)
King Norodom Sihanouk has not reacted publicly yet to last week’s press articles about his intent to abdicate the throne (KI, 25 and 27 September 2002), contrary to his habit to respond personally and quickly to media reports about him even in relation to more trivial issues. Following his abdication letter, the King sent Finance Minister Keat Chhon a letter asking for clarification, after an aide close to both the Royal Palace and the CPP reminded the monarch that the Royal Government has provided him with $ 5 million per year since 1993. The King was shocked by this financial blackmail. Actually this money corresponds to the allocation for the Royal Palace contained in the National Budget voted every year by the National Assembly. The King has never been interested in money and personal wealth and has not kept a close watch on the Royal Palace’s budget, which is managed by CPP-affiliated Royal Palace Minister Kong Sam Ol.
The King and the Queen, who are now in Beijing, will return to Phnom Penh on 09 October 2002. 

09 October 2002

Hun Sen wants to be Head of State (2)
Sources from the Royal Palace and the CPP indicate that Prime Minister Hun Sen is making maneuvers to become Head of State immediately after the demise of current King Norodom Sihanouk. This explains his reluctance to talk and his order to high-ranking government officials not to talk about the royal succession issue. For many years Hun Sen has been fooling many royals who dream to become King one day (KI, 27 September 2002: "King’s possible abdication"). But while cleverly manipulating others, Hun Sen is pursuing his own dream to become Head of State, a position that would represent the crowning stage of his now 17-year long political career as Prime Minister. His plan, which would require an amendment to the Constitution, is modeled on the institutional scheme implemented in Cambodia from 1960 to 1970, when then Prince Norodom Sihanouk, who had been Prime Minister from 1955 (abdication) to 1960 (death of King Norodom Suramarit), became Head of State while Queen Mother Sisowath Kossomak Nirireath was designated Symbol of the Monarchy, a kind of Regent but without the prerogatives of a Head of State.
In his plan for the future, Hun Sen would choose a docile and cooperative person to act as a “Symbol of the Monarchy”.
King Norodom Sihanouk is scheduled to arrive in Phnom Penh this afternoon, back from China. His recent abdication threat (KI, 25 and 27 September 2002) may be a means to counter Hun Sen’s plan to become Head of State, which many observers perceive as the last step before the abolition of the Monarchy.   

16 November 2002

King’s decision to make Prince Sihamoni his representative at the 9 November’s ceremony upsets the CPP and Prince Ranariddh (2)
King Norodom Sihanouk decided only in the afternoon of 8 November that he would not personally preside the 9 November’s ceremony in Phnom Penh commemorating the 49th anniversary of Cambodia’s accession to independence and would instead send Prince Norodom Sihamoni to represent him. This decision upset the CPP, which would have expected Chea Sim to replace the King, as the CPP president normally fulfills the role of acting Head of State each time the King travels abroad or does not want to do anything himself (like presiding the Supreme Council of Magistracy). To show its discontent, the CPP forbade all its ministers from attending the ceremony.
But the King’s decision upset also Prince Norodom Ranariddh, who would have liked to represent the King, since he is not only a King’s elder son but also the National Assembly President, meaning the country's third highest-ranking dignitary. In the eyes of many observers, the king’s decision shows his preference regarding a possible successor to the throne. In order to avoid another possible slap on the face on the occasion of the 3-day Water Festivals starting 18 November, when the King could again ask Prince Sihamoni to represent him, Prince Ranariddh prefers not to stay in Cambodia and will spend five days in the Philippines starting 17 November.
After the leakage of confidential information according to which the King had prepared an abdication letter, at least as a means to force Prime Minister Hun Sen to raise the royal succession issue in order to ensure a smooth transition after his demise (KI, 01 October), the King last week denied he has ever considered abdicating. Upon his return from Beijing on 9 October, the King met with Hun Sen who was panicked by the possibility of an abdication and who probably gave the King assurances that he would favor the accession of Prince Sihamoni to the throne in exchange for the withdrawal of the abdication threat.        

03 September 2003

China urges King Sihanouk not to abdicate (3)
While the news seemed incredible at that time, Khmer Intelligence was the first, last year, to expose King Norodom Sihanouk’s desire to abdicate (KI, 25 September 2002, “King may abdicate”). The king formulated his desire from Beijing. But over the last few months, in Phnom Penh, he has been repeating that he would happily renounce the throne. In a message dated September 1st, he wrote in French: “Je ne rêve que d’abdication” (I only dream of abdicating).
There are several possible reasons that could explain why the king, who has expressed his profound frustrations with the current situation in Cambodia, has nevertheless refrained from actually abdicating. One of these reasons could be the position of China, which exerts its influence on Cambodia largely through its good relations with the Royal Palace. In the above-mentioned message, the king indirectly hinted at China’s position with regard to a possible abdication by saying that following such a dramatic decision, he would consider going to live not in China, but in North Korea where he has been warmly invited by Kim Djong Il.
For more detail: www.norodomsihanouk.info

13 April 2004

Reasons behind the King’s frustration (1)
Immediately after the 27 July 2003 elections which led to the current political deadlock, King Norodom Sihanouk tried to bring the three major parties together in order to work out a solution. His latest efforts resulted in the signing of the 5 November 2003 agreement at the Royal Palace, whereby a three-party government was to be formed with Hun Sen as prime minister. But the King-sponsored agreement could not be implemented because shortly after its signing, Funcinpec and SRP demanded that a clear political program be established before the formation of any government, while the CPP considered such a demand – and the specific points to be included in the political program – as “unacceptable conditions”. The CPP subsequently tried to break Funcinpec and SRP’s Alliance of Democrats by negotiating with Funcinpec alone in order to form a two-party government excluding SRP.
The King left Phnom Penh for Beijing for medical treatment on 19 January 2004, and on 15 March 2004 Hun Sen and Prince Norodom Ranariddh signed an agreement laying the ground for the formation of a “two-an-a-half party” government seen as a face-saving compromise.
In his March 17 message (3rd text) in French from Beijing, the King expressed skepticism about the workability of the March 15 Hun Sen-Ranariddh agreement, but he also showed bitterness about the alleged intention of Cambodian politicians to do without him in the search for a political settlement and to “teach [him] a lesson” by showing him that he was no longer indispensable.
In his March 25 message in Khmer, the King evoked the “poisonous political atmosphere” prevailing in Cambodia and announced his decision to indefinitely postpone his return.
In his March 27 message in Khmer, the King recalled how he strived to bring the three parties together and succeeded in making them sign the November 5 agreement, which should have solved the deadlock. He recalled that he had instructed Royal Palace Minister Kong Sam Ol to prepare meeting rooms and all facilities for the three parties to continue their negotiations at the Royal Palace, if they wished so. He recalled that on January 19 at the airport, before leaving Cambodia, he told the three parties he was always willing and prepared to help them solve any problem anytime in or from Beijing. But finally, the King concluded, the political parties ignored him, preferring to “meet among themselves” [not even at the Royal Palace, but at another venue called “Government Palace”]. The Monarch justified his March 25 decision to indefinitely postpone his return by saying that “nobody understands [the meaning of a] two-and-a-half party government” and that he could not come back at a time when politicians “defamed [him] and wrongly accused [him] of being the cause of Cambodia’s difficulties.” He added he had “no more patience to live with some political parties and some political leaders” and begged all Cambodians to “understand [his] pain”.
In his April 7 message in Khmer, the King said he would “no longer help political parties solve their differences” because following the November 5 agreement, he had been accused of exerting pressure on one political party [Funcinpec] and unduly interfering in government affairs. He said he would let political parties find a solution to the current crisis by themselves before he would return to Cambodia. He mentioned his “humiliation”. 

King criticizes the Hun Sen regime (1)
While commenting the current political crisis in his successive messages from China and more recently North Korea, King Norodom Sihanouk has harshly criticized prime minister Hun Sen and his previous and current governments. The King's remarks were made in French only.
In his March 18 message (2nd text) and March 24 message (2nd text), the King depicted the current regime as the “Kafkaesque and grotesque Second Kingdom of Cambodia”.
In his March 18 message (3rd text) and April 11 message (2nd text), the King denounced “the colonization of Cambodia by the [Socialist Republic of Vietnam]” following the end of the Khmer Rouge regime in 1979, and he called the Hun Sen regime in the 1980's a “Protectorate of Vietnam”. The King’s description of Cambodia as it was twenty years ago is a challenge to the very foundations and raison d’être of the Hun Sen regime, whose leaders claim to be heroes who have liberated Cambodia from the Khmer Rouge but are accused of being “Vietnamese puppets” by their opponents.
In his March 25 message (4th text), the King put in the same lot “Pol Pol followers and other Khmer Rouge and Khmers-Vietminh” leaders, who had successively come to power since 1975, clearly including Hun Sen in this infamous group. The King said such regimes with such leaders could survive only by being deceitful.
In his April 12 message (2nd text), the King seemed to say the Cambodian people had been cheated by Hun Sen when he wrote: “The re-establishment of the Monarchy in 1993 meant nothing.”
To see the King's messages in their original version: http://www.norodomsihanouk.info 

03 May 2004

Political crisis to be compounded by institutional crisis with King’s semi-abdication (1)
Not only Cambodia has no legal government, but King Norodom Sihanouk – currently in Pyongyang – has declared he would not return to Cambodia until political parties have reached a clear and definite agreement to form such a government in line with the Constitution (KI, 13 April 2004: “Reasons behind the King’s frustration”).
On 30 April 2004 the King issued another statement requesting the new National Assembly, when it starts to function, to amend the Constitution on several points so that he could not be held responsible for the country’s ongoing tragedy as long as he has no constitutional power to decide anything. It was implicit in his statement that the King would not return to Cambodia to constitutionally endorse any new government if there are no assurances that the above demand will be met along with another demand related to the adoption of an appropriate law on the royal succession (KI, 13 March 2004: “Hun Sen will promise the throne to Prince Ranariddh”). The King’s prolonged absence in such conditions is tantamount to a semi-abdication, which could be the prelude to a real abdication (KI, 25 September 2002: “King may abdicate”).

08 May 2004

Will CPP support King’s request to amend Constitution? (2)
While Funcinpec and SRP have already expressed their support for King Norodom Sihanouk’s request to amend the Constitution so that he can no longer be held responsible for decisions made by the government (KI, 3 May 2004: “Political crisis to be compounded by institutional crisis with King’s semi-abdication”), the CPP is still weighing the advantages and disadvantages in giving satisfaction to the Monarch. On 5 May and 8 May the King thanked SRP and Funcinpec respectively for their support for his request made on 30 April.
The Monarch sensibly argues that Article 7 of the Constitution (“The King reigns but doesn’t govern”, meaning the King fulfils a mainly honorific function but has no power) is incompatible or inconsistent with a number of other Articles (# 8, 9, 113 and 115) of the Constitution that designate him as the guarantor of national independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, the guarantor of the citizens’ rights and freedoms, the guarantor of the respect of international treaties (e.g. treaties on human rights and refugees), the guarantor of the regular functioning of the government, and the guarantor of the independence of the justice system.
The Monarch complains that, because of this constitutional inconsistency, he has been obliged to play the role of a figurehead who can do nothing but endorse questionable decisions – sometimes with disastrous consequences for the nation – made by the government.
In a message in Khmer sent recently from Beijing, King Sihanouk evoked the courage and dignity of one of his ancestors, the famous Prince Yukanthor [son of King Norodom] who died in exile [in 1934 in Thailand] because he refused to submit [to the French colonialist rule]. By this evocation, King Sihanouk seems to imply that he is considering prolonging his stay abroad indefinitely, in a self-imposed exile (tantamount to a semi-abdication) in order not to submit to an unacceptable government in Cambodia.

13 May 2004

King’s stern reaction to Hun Sen and Prince Ranariddh’s letter (1)
In an extremely and unusually short letter in Khmer sent today from Pyongyang to Hun Sen and Prince Ranariddh in Phnom Penh, King Norodom Sihanouk just acknowledged their yesterday’s joint letter turning down the King’s invitation for a meeting with him (KI, 11 May 2004: “King invites party leaders to Pyongyang”). The Monarch seems to be deeply hurt.
In their letter Hun Sen and Prince Ranariddh told the King that negotiations between CPP and Funcinpec aimed at solving the current political crisis were moving forward and that the two delegations had already “agreed on 60 points out of the 73” that form a draft policy platform for the next government. “In this spirit , Hun Sen and Prince Ranariddh wrote, we ask your royal permission to give time to the [CPP and Funcinpec] working groups to continue their negotiations [in Phnom Penh] until a final result is achieved, and then they will report directly to you [in Pyongyang] by submitting to you the positive result of these negotiations in order to respond to your wish and your concern.”
In a separate message to the nation issued later today, the King said he received “a slap on the face”, while noticing that even though his proposal to hold a summit meeting in Pyongyang was rejected, his initiative did push CPP and Funcinpec to show a new resolution to work out a solution to the crisis.

CPP’s strategy and tactic (2)
CPP top leaders have recently confirmed their support for Hun Sen-proposed strategy and tactic in the ongoing negotiation process for the ruling party to remain in power.
Strategy:
1- Divide the non-CPP forces; especially break the Alliance of Democrats at any cost, and never accept a formal three-party government.
2- Isolate and marginalize the King, who must remain on the throne to provide legitimacy for the regime; but the constitutional monarch must be given nothing more than a puppet role.
Tactic:
1- Create periodic tension in order to divert attention and manipulate Funcinpec, but in a gradual manner by testing the waters first, so as not to confront the international community.
2- Negotiations between CPP and Funcinpec teams must be suspended after buying maximum time and dealing “successfully” with a large number of minor issues, so as to let Hun Sen and Prince Ranariddh in the end cut a deal on a few crucial issues in a face-to-face meeting.

25 May 2004

Hun Sen pushes Prince Ranariddh to oppose his father the King (2)
An important piece of Prime Minister Hun Sen’s CPP’s strategy consists in isolating and marginalising King Norodom Sihanouk (KI, 13 May 2004: “CPP’s strategy and tactic”). On May 12, Hun Sen convinced Funcinpec President Prince Norodom Ranariddh to sign a joint letter with him turning down a King’s invitation for a summit meeting in Pyongyang (KI, 13 May 2004: “King’s stern reaction to Hun Sen and Prince Ranariddh’s letter”).
Hun Sen has been clever in playing on Prince Ranariddh’s complex and sometimes uneasy relations with his intimidating father.
Hun Sen seeks to avoid the King’s involvement in the current negotiation process because of the Monarch’s extremely firm position on many sensitive issues (defence of the country’s territorial integrity, preservation of Cambodia's remaining forest, condemnation of government corruption, denunciation of the prevailing beggar mentality and the lack of dignity on the part of our current leaders, necessity to promote social justice and human rights), and his preference for a three-party government.
However, Hun Sen needs the King to approve any future government as required by the Constitution, as he needs the King to continue his figurehead role in order to bring legitimacy for the regime. Therefore, Hun Sen needs the King to come back to Cambodia as soon as possible. But the King, now in a self-imposed exile in North Korea, seems reluctant to come back to resume his frustrating role in Cambodia in the present circumstances (KI, 3 May 2004: “Political crisis to be compounded by institutional crisis with King’s semi-abdication”; KI, 8 May 2004: “Will CPP support King’s request to amend Constitution?”).
CPP mouthpiece “Rasmei Kampuchea” today published a front page article titled “The CPP wants the King to preside over a summit meeting between Prince Ranariddh and Hun Sen”. The article ironically says, “negotiations have just reached the point where they should have started”, meaning that negotiation results have been minimal so far, and serious (difficult) things are to start only now, which will require direct talks between Prince Ranariddh and Hun Sen. More importantly, the article makes a surprising announcement: the CPP will invite King Norodom Sihanouk to preside over a summit meeting in Phnom Penh between Prince Ranariddh and Hun Sen. But the CPP spokesman is quoted as saying also that the King’s effective participation in any summit meeting will actually depend on Prince Ranariddh: would he mind the CPP’s inviting the King? This is apparently a trap for Prince Ranariddh that has been designed, if he refuses to invite his father, to put all the blame on him for any reaction from the King with possibly serious consequences.

02 June 2004

King expresses his frustrations and wishes (1)
In a May 31 message to the nation, King Norodom Sihanouk expressed his frustrations and wishes in the following terms: “In my capacity as King, who is the symbol of the unity and continuity of  the nation, I have the duty to solve [the current] political crisis. I have strived to end this serious crisis since November 2003. More recently, on 13 May 2004, I suggested that the three major political parties designate their representatives [to meet with me in Pyongyang] to exchange views in order to help solve this serious crisis (...). In response, only the Sam Rainsy Party agreed to my suggestion, while the two other parties did not want me to help them (...). On 5 November 2003, I succeeded in laying the ground for a quick solution to the crisis since the powerful Samdech Hun Sen agreed to form a three-party government with, according to my suggestion, the participation of the Sam Rainsy Party. I had asked Samdech Hun Sen to give H.E. Sam Rainsy the position of Deputy Prime Minister in the new Royal Cambodian Government. Samdech Hun Sen generously agreed to my demand. Samdech Hun Sen also considered appropriate to create a position of Vice-President of the National Assembly for the Sam Rainsy Party (...). On several occasions, I have told the three political parties we should first form the new National Assembly and Government. We must not put the cart before the oxen [when trying to solve problems]. We should start to work together in a three-party government and strive to progressively address the issues that have been raised (...). ” This King’s latest message is consistent with what the Monarch had been saying (KI, 13 April 2004: “Reasons behind the King’s frustration”; KI, 3 May 2004: “Political crisis to be compounded by institutional crisis with King’s semi-abdication”).
See original text in Khmer at: http://www.norodomsihanouk.info/mes%2004/mai/3105txt5.htm

20 June 2004

CPP disseminates anti-King leaflets (2)
On June 18, a faction of the CPP, under the cover of a “pro-Republic group”, disseminated in Phnom Penh a leaflet under the form of an open letter to King Norodom Sihanouk, whom they abundantly insulted.
The CPP's maneuver has a twofold objective:
1- Make the King angry and hurt by the insults poured out, so that he would further distance himself from the political arena.
2- Warn the King against getting involved in the ongoing dispute between political parties since such an involvement would be “illegal”. The leaflet says Marshall Lon Nol was right when he staged his coup to depose the constitutional Head of State [then Prince] Norodom Sihanouk in 1970 because the latter “did not respect the law” in some of his undertakings.

28 June 2004

King will be asked to endorse violation of the Constitution (2)
While some observers consider the “package vote” required by the CPP as a constitutional coup (KI, 12 June 2004: « “Package vote” requires King’s involvement »; KI, 19 December 2003: « “Package deal vote” intended to tie down parliamentarians from both Alliance and CPP »), French lawyer Claude Gour – who is currently employed by the Hun Sen government – has a different opinion (KI, 19 December 2003: « “Package deal vote” is the brainchild of Frenchman Claude Gour » ).
According to Gour the Constitution can be “slightly” violated provided the King endorses the violation: « Cette très relative audace constitutionnelle n’est réalisable qu’avec l’accord tacite du Roi, “garant du fonctionnement régulier des pouvoirs publics” (Article 9 de la Constitution). (...). Il est donc facile de faire endosser au Roi la responsabilité du non respect littéral de la règle. » [This slightly daring interpretation of the Constitution is possible only with the tacit approval of the King, “guarantor of the regular functioning of the government” (Article 9 of the Constitution). (...). It is therefore easy to make the King bear the responsibility for the non respect of the text of the rule].

29 June 2004

A coup against the King (1)
In the latest version of the CPP-proposed “package vote” to be implemented when Parliament convenes on 8 July 2004, the simultaneous election of both the President of the National Assembly and the Prime Minister by a single vote by National Assembly members, implies the suspension of Article 119 of the Constitution, which says: “At the recommendation of the President and with the agreement of both Vice-Presidents of the Assembly, the King shall designate a dignitary from among the representatives of the winning party to form the Royal Government (...) ”. The “package vote” unconstitutionally denies any role to the King in the government formation process, besides being contrary to the democratic principle of separation of powers (legislative and executive branches of the government). Some observers consider that such an expedient suspension of any portion of the Constitution is tantamount to a constitutional coup d’état. In this case it will be a coup against the King (KI, 28 June 2004: “King will be asked to endorse violation of the Constitution”).

03 July 2004

King reacts to suggestion of “package vote” (1)
In a handwritten text posted today on his website King Norodom Sihanouk publishes excerpts from a letter in French from a “respectable lady” about the latest developments in Cambodia: “Over the last few days, there has been a kind of panic in Cambodia with all these unbelievable fabrications, such as the package vote and voting by hand-raising; each of the fabrications is being more undemocratic and unconstitutional than the other. All these are being wrapped with legal jargon nonsense by a mercenary lawyer (...). His recommendations over a number of pages are a real accomplishment in the art of cosmetics, turning a repeated and intensified rape of the Constitution and of the fundamental democratic principles into an unavoidable necessity (...)”.
See original text at http://www.norodomsihanouk.info/mes%2004/juillet/0307txt5.htm

06 July 2004

King Norodom Sihanouk announces his intention to abdicate (additional note)

07-09 July 2004

King Norodom Sihanouk suspends his decision to abdicate (additional note)

10 July 2004

King will not sign controversial constitutional amendment on "package vote" (1)
In his today's response to Kem Sokha, Director of the Cambodia Center for Human Rights, who had requested him not to sign the recently adopted and much criticized amendment to the Constitution
allowing the "package vote" associated with a public show of hands by Members of Parliament (KI, 29 June 2004: "A coup against the King"), King Norodom Sihanouk said he would not sign -- meaning endorse -- the controversial constitutional provision. He specified he would give the right to Acting Head of State (and CPP President) Chea Sim "to sign or not to sign" the promulgating decree "according to his conscience". More importantly, the Monarch said that a popular referendum should be organized on this most serious issue.

15 July 2004

Hun Sen threatens the King (2)
CPP candidate from prime minister Hun Sen has very recently threatened King Norodom Sihanouk by asserting that if the latter blocks the process based on the "package vote" aimed at his effective appointment as Prime Minister, he will prevent the King and the Queen from returning to Cambodia and he will proclaim Cambodia a Republic.
Royal Palace Minister Kong Sam Ol has been charged with delivering the warning message to the Monarch in Pyongyang.
In a Royal Decree issued yesterday (July 14) King Sihanouk designated Hun Sen as Cambodia's Prime Minister pending a vote of confidence by the National Assembly, which is to meet today at 9:00 am.

16 July 2004

King refuses to meet with Hun Sen and Ranariddh (1)
On July 15 Hun Sen and Prince Ranariddh, immediately after being elected by the National Assembly to their respective positions, jointly wrote to King Norodom Sihanouk asking permission to visit the Monarch in Pyongyang in order to “inform” him about the latest developments in Cambodia.
Today the King responded to the two political leaders in the following terms:
“I ask you to kindly not come at this moment to meet with me outside our country because:
1- I have followed the political situation and all the problems in Cambodia, and am already aware of all aspects [of the situation]; therefore there is no need to inform me about anything.
2- Samdech Chea Sim is still facing serious problems.
3- I hope that my health problems will allow me to return to the Motherland [sometime] in the future.”
The original letter in Khmer is expected to be posted soon on the King’s Web site: http://www.norodomsihanouk.info/mes%2004/juillet.htm  

17 July 2004 

Hun Sen worried by King’s determination to abdicate (2)
Hun Sen and -- to a lesser extent -- Prince Ranariddh are extremely worried by King Norodom Sihanouk’s determination to renounce the throne. Such a move would seriously jeopardize their power-sharing scheme that is being implemented following the widely criticized “package vote” by the National Assembly on July 15 (please click OPINION).
In a July 14 letter to former Constitutional Council member Say Bory, who had drawn his attention to “Cambodia sliding into disaster”, the King wrote: « I have no power and no means of redressing [the situation] or saving [our country]. (...) The only thing that I can do is to abdicate. But I don’t want to abdicate while I am abroad. After my abdication, I will not stay abroad since I want to stay with [my beloved people in Cambodia]. In August or September 2004 I will have to go through medical checkups and undergo medical treatment in Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, because I have a number of [health] problems. »
To see the King’s original letter in Khmer, please click http://www.norodomsihanouk.info/mes%2004/juillet/1507txt3.htm

21 July 2004 

King worried about possible coup (2)
Denying allegations that a coup d’état actually took place on July 13 when CPP President and acting Head of State Chea Sim was abruptly escorted out of the county by the police, a high ranking CPP official was quoted as saying in a recent article in The Cambodia Daily : “If there was a coup d’état, it would not be like this. There would be soldiers and guns and disorder”. In an annotation in the margin of the article King Norodom Sihanouk wrote today: “Could this happen to me one day in Cambodia?”
See original text at http://www.norodomsihanouk.info/mes%2004/juillet/2107txt1.htm 

25 July 2004

Hun Sen plans to prevent the King from coming back to Cambodia (2)
Newly reelected Prime Minister Hun Sen is going to implement a plan to strengthen and perpetuate his power, which immediately consists in preventing King Norodom Sihanouk from coming back to Cambodia -- especially if the latter confirms his intention to abdicate -- and arresting opposition leader Sam Rainsy upon his return from the USA.

Hun Sen rejects King's advice (1)
On July 23 King Norodom Sihanouk wrote to Hun Sen asking him to stop the prosecution of a group of Sam Rainsy Party members accused of "organizing an army in order to overthrow the government". The King said in his letter that he did not believe the "small group" in question had the means of mounting such a plan, joining the opinion of independent observers who consider the government accusation as trumped-up charges intended to suppress the opposition. In his July 24 response to the King, Hun Sen said that, while granting "pardon to those who have already confessed their crimes", he would let the Court proceed with the prosecution of the "ring leaders".

27 July 2004

King decides to indefinitely postpone his return (1)
In a 4-page message in Khmer sent today to the nation King Norodom Sihanouk announced that he had decided to indefinitely postpone his return because he is not happy with the current political situation in Cambodia. He confirmed his intention to abdicate and said he would do so when the Buddhist Supreme Patriarch(es) agree(s) to his decision. When such a “permission” is granted, he will return to Cambodia, effectively abdicate, and stay in the country with his “beloved people” until his death.
In a July 26 text hand-written in French and also posted on his Web site, the King deplored the recently adopted, controversial “Addition to the Constitution” introducing the “Package Vote” and the “Vote by Raising Hands”.

04 August 2004

Sam Rainsy suggests that the three parties strive together to avert King’s abdication (1)
As a reaction to King Norodom Sihanouk’s intention to abdicate SRP President Sam Rainsy yesterday wrote to CPP President Chea Sim and Funcinpec President Prince Norodom Ranariddh suggesting that the three party presidents request an audience with the King -- currently in Beijing -- in order to listen to the monarch’s grievances and try to address them so as to prevent his abdication, which could create a “most serious political, institutional and national crisis”.
See original letters in Khmer and related statement in English at www.samrainsyparty.org

Hun Sen pretends to ignore King’s intention to abdicate (1)
In an apparent response to Sam Rainsy’s yesterday’s proposal Prime Minister Hun Sen declared today that he prefers to ignore the King’s intention to abdicate because “there is no provision in the Constitution dealing with abdication”, implicitly suggesting that the King has no right to abdicate. Actually Hun Sen is extremely nervous about a possible royal abdication, which would give the “future former King” Norodom Sihanouk more freedom and the possibility of becoming the soul of a new and overwhelming political movement (KI, 17 July 2004: “Hun Sen worried by King’s determination to abdicate”).

King wishes to have a successor who is “clean and gentle” (1)
King Norodom Sihanouk today wrote a letter to Sam Rainsy thanking him for his yesterday’s initiative but said he would not change his mind regarding his decision to abdicate. Referring to Sam Rainsy’s August 3 letter to Prince Norodom Ranariddh, the King said he wishes to have a successor who is “clean [non-corrupt] and gentle” and who will “strive to serve the country and the nation” so as to “make the people happy”. “Therefore, our country will run no risk of instability and will not face any crisis.”
See King’s original letter in Khmer at http://www.norodomsihanouk.info/mes%2004/aout/0408txt3.htm

06 August 2004 

Political implications of the King’s decision not to return to Cambodia (2)
All parties are now assessing the political implications of King Norodom Sihanouk’s decision not to return to Cambodia before being allowed to abdicate. In his latest messages to the nation the King seems determined to give up the throne and makes it clear he will prolong his self-imposed exile until he is given assurances – e. g. in the form of a clarification of the Constitution – that he can legally and legitimately abdicate. The King’s decision definitely ushers Cambodia into unchartered waters.
The current Royal Cambodian Government formed in the wake of a controversial amendment to the Constitution – the “Package Vote” that has been disapproved by the King, criticized by independent legal experts and condemned by the civil society and the opposition – will see its legitimacy further undermined by the King’s decision to stop cooperating with the present regime.
The King’s decision could have far-reaching legal consequences because, following the signing of the Paris Peace Accords in 1991 when then-Prince Norodom Sihanouk played a central role, the 1993 Constitution of the Kingdom of Cambodia is centered around the person of the King described as the “symbol of the unity and continuity of the nation”, the “guarantor of Cambodia’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity”, the “guarantor of Cambodia’s compliance with international treaties”, the “guarantor of the people’s rights and liberties”, the “guarantor of the independence of the Judiciary” (the King chairs the Supreme Council of Magistracy), the “supreme referee whose role is to ensure the regular functioning of the government”, the "supreme commander of the army", etc.
With the King being put aside, the Constitution is in fact largely suspended, leading Cambodia into an unprecedented situation.

Hun Sen’s attitude could lead to loss of government legitimacy (2)
Following the King’s decision to stay out of the country until his effective abdication to protest what many observers call a “constitutional coup” Prime Minister Hun Sen has resolutely adopted a confrontational attitude toward the Monarch. Instead of appeasing the King and trying to convince the King not to abdicate with a conciliatory plan to put things right, Hun Sen prefers to deny the right to decide for one’s own life to the King and to ignore his decision to abdicate (KI, 4 August 2004: “Hun Sen pretends to ignore King’s intention to abdicate”). The Prime Minister does not seem to realize that following his “constitutional coup” and his rejection of the King – who is a very popular monarch and the only Cambodian figure to enjoy unanimous respect on the part of the international community including many world leaders – it would be difficult for the current Cambodian government to preserve its international legitimacy and continue to benefit from a massive international assistance.  

07 August 2004 

Hun Sen to successively deal with three “enemies” (2)
CPP Vice-President and Prime Minister Hun Sen has devised a strategy to perpetuate his power by successively eliminating three persons who defy his power: Sam Rainsy, Chea Sim, and King Norodom Sihanouk. In order not to fight on several fronts at the same time Hun Sen has defined his targets in the following order:
1- Sam Rainsy is the first target because, as opposition leader, he is his declared “enemy”. All means will be used to achieve Hun Sen’s objective, from trumped-up charges leading to the prosecution and condemnation of SRP members by a complacent tribunal (KI, 6 August 2004: “Cheam Channy’s case reminiscent of Sok Yoeun’s”) to the physical elimination of opposition activists and leaders (the latest killing took place on August 3 with the assassination of SRP active member Lay Soeun in Pursat province).
2- CPP President Chea Sim and his supporters will come next. But for the next six months, while the first part of Hun Sen’s plan dealing with Sam Rainsy is being implemented, the unity of the ruling CPP must be preserved at least on the surface. The increasing tension associated with the elimination of the opposition will timely help ensure the required CPP’s unity and prevent Chea Sim from possibly joining hands with Sam Rainsy: Anybody in the CPP who entertains any kind of relation with the SRP will be considered a “traitor” and punished as such. Lately, Hun Sen has been striving to appease Chea Sim as evidenced by recent public shows of unity. Because of unexpected resistance he has postponed a plan to make Chea Sim “voluntarily” step down for “health reasons” (KI, 26 July 2004: “Chea Sim could be forced to resign next week”). After having dealt with Sam Rainsy before the end of this year, Hun Sen is expected to decisively turn and point his gun to Chea Sim forcing the current CPP President to effectively and definitively step down.
3- King Norodom Sihanouk, who has already been sidelined (KI, 13 May 2004: “CPP’s strategy and tactic”) will be completely neutralized and deprived of any serious possibility of action against Hun Sen once Sam Rainsy and Chea Sim are effectively eliminated. Hun Sen fears an alliance between King Norodom Sihanouk, Chea Sim and Sam Rainsy, whom he perceives as his most dangerous “enemies” because they can gather an overwhelming popular support against him. 

Prince Ranariddh sides with Hun Sen against his father (1)
While observers are watching the current political maneuvers in Cambodia (KI, 7 August 2004: « Hun Sen to successively deal with three “enemies” ») Funcinpec President Prince Norodom Ranariddh has adopted a low profile by quietly staying in France for personal reasons for an indefinite period (KI, 3 August 2004: “Prince Ranariddh receiving extra cash”). By remaining silent while King Norodom Sihanouk has expressed his decision to abdicate the throne to protest what many observers call a constitutional coup, the Prince is siding with Hun Sen against his father the King.
In the deal they have recently concluded (KI, 13 March 2004: “Hun Sen will promise the throne to Prince Ranariddh”) Hun Sen has reportedly promised Prince Ranariddh that he would help him become the next King after the demise of his royal father in exchange for Funcinpec’support for Hun Sen’s candidacy as Prime Minister. But the decision of King Norodom Sihanouk to give up the throne while he is still alive may jeopardize Ranariddh’s ambition because the royal succession issue will become more difficult to resolve.

21 August 2004

King says he still wishes to abdicate (1)
In an August 20 message to the nation King Norodom Sihanouk, who had on August 18 announced his return to Cambodia (KI, 19 August 2004: “King will be back by the end of next month”), said he had not changed his mind regarding his desire to abdicate. He confirmed KI’s analysis according to which “the timing of the announcement [of his return] seems to indicate that the monarch wants to show that his decision was not made under the pressure of any Cambodian politician”.

31 August 2004

King denounces illegal use of his name (2)
On August 25, at the SRP headquarters in Phnom Penh, members of the Steering Committee were presented a video cassette showing King Norodom Sihanouk and Queen Monineath Sihanouk granting an audience in Beijing to Sam Rainsy and his family. Among other things, the King said that he had never ordered Nhiek Bun Chhay to sign anything and that Nhiek Bun Chhay had never informed him about signing anything on his behalf (KI, 13 July 2004: “Hun Sen asks Nhiek Bun Chhay to sign promulgating decree”; KI, 13 July 2004: “Nhiek Bun Chhay cannot sign any law on behalf of the King”; KI, 8 August 2004: “King says constitutional amendment was illegally signed”).
On the 13 July 2004 promulgating decree signed by Nhiek Bun Chhay, there is – above the signature – the mention: “On behalf and by order of the King”.

22 September 2004 

King postpones his return (1)
King Norodom Sihanouk, whose return to Cambodia has been tentatively scheduled for September 27, will have to stay in China until next month for “medical reasons”.       

23 September 2004

King elaborates on his abdication plan (1)    
King Norodom Sihanouk made public today a Royal Decree (in French) specifying the manner in which he wants people to address him after his abdication, which “will take place in a not distant future”.
See Royal Decree at http://www.norodomsihanouk.info/mes%2004/septembre/2309txt3.htm

Ranariddh accuses Sam Rainsy of lèse-majesté (2)    
According to the September 22 edition of the Khmer-language newspaper Voice of Khmer Youth, Funcinpec President Prince Norodom Ranariddh has accused opposition leader Sam Rainsy of lese-majesty following the latter’s allegation that the former has accepted to support CPP Prime Minister Hun Sen in exchange for – among other things – a promise from the ruling CPP that he (Ranariddh) will be appointed king when present King Norodom Sihanouk dies. Ranariddh has denied any intention to become king and accuses Sam Rainsy of “insulting” the Royal Family with his allegation about the royal succession. However, speaking about Ranariddh and other Princes involved in politics, King Sihanouk has repeatedly said: “Anyone who pretends that he doesn’t want to be king, is a liar.”
See Ranariddh’s statement at http://www.cambodiapolitics.org/news/moneaksekar_youth/september_04/22_youth.pdf

08 October 2004

Embarrassment for Hun Sen in Hanoi (2)
Prime Minister Hun Sen who was attending the Asean-Europe Meeting (ASEM) in Hanoi was taken by surprise when King Norodom Sihanouk announced on October 7 his decision to abdicate the throne. Hun Sen could not hide his embarrassment when trying to respond to questions from other political leaders: in other countries with a monarchic system the King/Queen must have consulted with the Prime Minister before announcing his/her abdication. Hun Sen refused to answer any questions from the press.

09 October 2004

King Sihanouk maintains his decision to abdicate (1)
In a message in Khmer to the nation posted today on his Web site [former] King Norodom Sihanouk clearly shows that he maintains his decision to abdicate the throne. He reaffirms that he will not return to Cambodia until the Throne Council has chosen a new King.
Prince Norodom Ranariddh arrived today in Beijing to “beseech” his father to change his mind and remain on the throne, most likely to no avail.
See King’s original message at http://www.norodomsihanouk.info/mes%2004/octobre/0910txt1.htm

10 October 2004 

Norodom Sihamoni will be Cambodia’s new King (1)
In a today’s message in Khmer to the nation [former] King Norodom Sihanouk says Prince Norodom Ranariddh has agreed that his half-brother Prince Norodom Sihamoni be chosen as the new Monarch. “Samdech Grand-Father Norodom Sihanouk” specifies that Prince Ranariddh – who is currently in Beijing – prefers to “remain a Member of Parliament, the President of Funcinpec and the President of the National Assembly”. He points to Prince Sihamoni’s non-involvement in any political party as an important quality for the future King “given the present situation in Cambodia.” He also says he and “Samdech Grand-Mother Monineath Sihanouk” will continue to “educate and guide” Prince Sihamoni – who is also currently in Beijing – to “become a good King”. Finally, he asserts that Prince Sihamoni “cannot” refuse to access the throne if the Throne Council chooses him (Sihamoni) to be the next King.
See King’s original message at http://www.norodomsihanouk.info/mes%2004/octobre/1010txt3.htm

12 October 2004

Hun Sen may question legality of King’s abdication (2)
Because Cambodia's Constitution does not mention the possibility of a royal “abdication” or “retirement”, but only specifies what should be done after the “death” of the King (Articles 12 and 13), Prime Minister Hun Sen’s CPP may question the constitutionality of King Norodom Sihanouk’s abdication as announced on October 7. Actually Hun Sen is extremely upset by the King’s decision which could destabilize the present political system by further weakening the Funcinpec “royalist” party and his ally Prince Norodom Ranariddh.
Hun Sen’s tactic seems to first encourage the adoption of a law on the functioning of the Throne Council that elaborates on the procedures governing the election of a new King, while blocking any amendment to the Constitution. But Hun Sen would eventually stress that the new law is unconstitutional and therefore the appointment of any new King on the basis of that law is legally null and void since the “abdication” of King Norodom Sihanouk is also legally null and void because it clashes with the Constitution (Article 7: "The King is Head of State for life").
Therefore, to make the election of a new King consistent with the Constitution, a constitutional amendment that clearly specifies the possibility of an abdication is required, meaning that King Norodom Sihanouk may have to abdicate a second time following the adoption of such an amendment.

SRP parliamentarians support Norodom Sihamoni as Cambodia’s new King (2)
In a yesterday’s letter to [former] King Norodom Sihanouk the 24 National Assembly members from the opposition Sam Rainsy Party wrote that even though the SRP – which is Cambodia’s second largest political party in terms of popular votes collected at the last parliamentary elections – is not represented in the 9-member Throne Council which will have to elect a new King soon, they (the 24 parliamentarians) are supporting Norodom Sihamoni as Cambodia’s future King. They point to the fact that Prince Sihamoni, contrary to his half-brother Prince Ranariddh, is not involved in politics and therefore can be the “King of all Cambodians” respected by everybody. Also contrary to Prince Ranariddh, Prince Sihamoni has never been implicated in any corruption affair.
See original letter at http://www.samrainsyparty.org/      

13 October 2004

Hun Sen threatens to proclaim the Republic (1)
As reported in the October 12 edition of The Cambodia Daily (“Talk of Republic Premature”), CPP Prime Minister Hun Sen warns that Cambodia could become a Republic if [former] King Norodom Sihanouk maintains his October 7 decision to abdicate the throne in spite of countless pleas that he remains King, and a new King is not elected by the Throne Council by October 14, i.e. seven days after the King’s abdication, as could be inferred from Article 12 of the Constitution.
After the expected election of Norodom Sihamoni as Cambodia’s new King tomorrow, political uncertainty may persist with Hun Sen threatening the former King and the new King to abolish the Monarchy and proclaim the Republic if they don’t do whatever he wants them to do. To achieve his ultimate objective to become himself Head of State (KI, 9 October 2002: “Hun Sen wants to be Head of State”), Hun Sen would claim the October 7 abdication was unconstitutional and what has been done subsequently is illegal (KI, 12 October 2004: “Hun Sen may question legality of King’s abdication”).

King warns of possibility of civil war if the Monarchy is abolished (1)
In a October 12 message in French posted on his Web site [former] King Norodom Sihanouk warns of the possibility of a civil war if the Monarchy is abolished. He raises the prospect that “Republicans, who exist in large numbers in some political parties” and are “profoundly divided among themselves”, will be “confronting each other in a bloody way” if Cambodia is turned into a Republic. “Bloodshed” is avoided thanks to the preservation of the Monarchy as a unifying factor for the Nation.
See original message at http://www.norodomsihanouk.info/mes%2004/octobre/1210txt2.htm

More voices ask for an urgent amendment to the Constitution (1)
In order to prevent a possible constitutional, political and national crisis following the election of a new King scheduled for October 14 (KI, 12 October 2004: “Hun Sen may question legality of King’s abdication”), an increasing number of voices are asking for an urgent amendment to the Constitution so that it clearly spells out the possibility of a royal abdication or retirement.
In the October 12 edition of the French-language newspaper Cambodge Soir, Dr Lao Mong Hay, a respected civil society leader, wrote a letter titled “The New King Must Be Given a Good Start”, in which he suggests that the required amendment be adopted before the new King is effectively elected.
In a October 12 letter to CPP President Chea Sim, CPP Vice-President Hun Sen and Funcinpec President Norodom Ranariddh, SRP Acting President Kong Korm [Sam Rainsy is currently abroad] made a similar suggestion in order to ensure political stability for the country.
See original letter in Khmer at http://www.samrainsyparty.org/senate/041012_letter_to_chea_sim_and_hun_sen.pdf

[End]